tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-54068875281214141052024-02-02T12:27:59.258-08:00NRI Secular VoiceUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger156125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-41270330739293723012012-03-05T04:05:00.000-08:002012-03-05T04:05:40.742-08:00'We want Gandhi's Gujarat, not Modi's Gujarat'<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtxord4R3M_C3frQNY-zSswipOK8qp1DLSR7ohXdREdiKxQ1WT84gViiR3y_D2uOgOzopTNY5coQ5AStz372UHkxB7ZuL1dGzil790SqLeiYd_AIe9p16DMlh9rIQvU-bFBuaGlSlHnKi6/s1600/04sd1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtxord4R3M_C3frQNY-zSswipOK8qp1DLSR7ohXdREdiKxQ1WT84gViiR3y_D2uOgOzopTNY5coQ5AStz372UHkxB7ZuL1dGzil790SqLeiYd_AIe9p16DMlh9rIQvU-bFBuaGlSlHnKi6/s320/04sd1.jpg" width="274" /></a></div>From Rediff<br />
George Joseph in New York<br />
Hundreds of people on Sunday joined the rallies and candle light vigils held in several cities, including New York, Washington, Chicago, Boston, and Tamarac, Florida to mark the 10th anniversary of the Gujarat riots and to pay homage to the victims. <br />
Demanding justice for victims of the riots and chanting against Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, participants asked for equal rights and protection for the life and liberty of all people irrespective of their religious beliefs.<br />
<br />
In New York, people of different faiths assembled under the banner of Coalition Against Genocide, in front of the Gandhi statue at the Union Square in Manhattan. The CAG is a broad-based alliance, which was instrumental in the revocation of a diplomatic visa for Chief Minister Modi in 2005. <br />
<br />
'We want Gandhi's Gujarat, not Modi's Gujarat,' people chanted pointing to the statue of Gandhi. <br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgPb12zhpouQcHVKK3NRNJZxkKvDbjcaezs-xD7giXh-5Zm11CFbEltTSIrk8zhqBriOxeVtsZ4FwubDqSvUYeENMlzkgz9fixtFnaFRTRBQQAjhWZzzc_2r0tiuNs8zZAZlQOo0LplqIwN/s1600/04sd2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgPb12zhpouQcHVKK3NRNJZxkKvDbjcaezs-xD7giXh-5Zm11CFbEltTSIrk8zhqBriOxeVtsZ4FwubDqSvUYeENMlzkgz9fixtFnaFRTRBQQAjhWZzzc_2r0tiuNs8zZAZlQOo0LplqIwN/s320/04sd2.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>Opening the event, Rev Mark Lukens, president of the Interfaith Alliance and pastor of the Bethany Congregational Church in East Rockaway, New York, noted that people gathered had there to remember the men, women and children who were so brutally slaughtered 10 years ago, simply because of their faith. <br />
"We will not forget the brothers and sisters, sons and daughters and fathers and mothers who perished at the hands of the mob. We can still hear the echoes of their cries as their lives were torn from them and they were torn from us and that we, as Muslims, as Christians, as Hindus, as Jews, as Sikhs, as Buddhists and Bahai, as children of God and children of this great green earth stand in solidarity with them and their still grieving families.<br />
<br />
"We will not stand idly by while the principalities and powers, whether they be a political party in India or the police department in New York or so called Christian politicians right here in the US, abuse the rights and personhood of our neighbours because of the way they chose to worship. <br />
"When anyone persecutes my Muslim, or my Jewish, or my Hindu or my Christian or any of my sisters or brothers, they are persecuting all of us, because we are our brothers' keepers and because like those courageous Hindus 10 years ago who braved the fire to rescue their neighbours from the mobs, my neighbour is the one whose need calls upon me to remember that we are all one, branches of a single vine, children of a God, whose likeness we are made," he said.<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihpS2lxkHuV88Z2Gx3gtuVAi-pfP9glaZLG2oLMt5rSLveQ7_PVZ2Pbjahc82rANnw62f4wj11PLw_ifsyTP95SDl3URPWT9DloYAUsssKSAfsAMzVhrWWEU9PbSTmGANalOP6_wuukJNs/s1600/04sd3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihpS2lxkHuV88Z2Gx3gtuVAi-pfP9glaZLG2oLMt5rSLveQ7_PVZ2Pbjahc82rANnw62f4wj11PLw_ifsyTP95SDl3URPWT9DloYAUsssKSAfsAMzVhrWWEU9PbSTmGANalOP6_wuukJNs/s320/04sd3.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Jewish rabbi (priest) Prof Hillel Levine, the founder of Center for International Conciliation prayed for the victims in Hebrew before ending his speech. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">He said he knows what a pogrom is. Drawing on the history of Jewish suffering, he criticised the powerful American Jewish Committee's award to LK Advani, a few years ago. Noting that Advani represents the ideology of hate and violence, he asked the AJC to withdraw the award.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">When pointed out the good relations between Israel and India and Jews and Hindus, he said the Jews are also friends with the Muslims. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">"Just because there is a problem with the Muslims in Palestine, does not mean that Jews consider all Muslims are enemies," he said.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Joe Lombardo, the national co-chair of United National anti-war coalition, pledged to fight the infiltration of Hindutva ideologues in the US power centres. He said the one per cent who rules the earth needs division and fights to keep their power over the majority or the 99 per cent. They will divide the people on the basis of race, religion or any other thing. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">"There is lot of oil under the feet of the Muslims," he pointed out the reason for the growing Islamophobia.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_WKdb-qDq8wVY43QagP3SeXE4JozkpMyXArHJgtLmVUsYfuqH3sFxx71PaBITBcElTwx4OrCkgquP3TtzvaVMNPlU3HLrfxQI5uAomFVd-KMia9Ip6KgQnrmRUzz2kSGek1_Rxn5Gx9A_/s1600/04sd4.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_WKdb-qDq8wVY43QagP3SeXE4JozkpMyXArHJgtLmVUsYfuqH3sFxx71PaBITBcElTwx4OrCkgquP3TtzvaVMNPlU3HLrfxQI5uAomFVd-KMia9Ip6KgQnrmRUzz2kSGek1_Rxn5Gx9A_/s320/04sd4.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Al-Haj Imam Tali Abdur Rashid, an African American imam who heads the umbrella body of New York area Muslims, Islamic Leadership Council, said the movement that killed Gandhi and tens of thousands of Muslims and Christians will not be allowed to flourish in the US. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">He drew parallels between the civil rights movement in the US and the movement by Indian minorities and Dalits and predicted that truth shall overcome.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Prof Biju Mathew, one of the founding coordinators of Coalition Against Genocide vowed to continue the struggle till fascism is completely defeated. He pointed out the right of every person to live with dignity.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Dr Shaik Ubaid, another founding coordinator of the CAG pointed out that it is expanding and more interfaith and civil rights groups are supporting it. This will help defeat the Hindutva ideology in the US and offer vital moral support to the pluralist forces in India, he said.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">He asked people in the US to abandon their support for Modi and Hindutva and redeem themselves and the image of India. He noted that as long as Modi remains unwelcome in the US, his dream of becoming India's prime minister will remain unfulfilled.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Biju Mathew and Dr Shaik Ubaid were presented with the Lincoln-Gandhi-King Award for their role in launching the CAG<br />
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgF5SkA68y_DRwhmxpuZ8s-pkp7I7IQ4vWiOlCcCFcucegLwKSt1d84qlgtXENdjpKt_JSjHfxPZBpcOzrCc2jM2LI_BUC6j0IyWdG818uPSasY2AdiPKZDJggzJQdHbrNxCTcBJIChLwk3/s1600/04sd5.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgF5SkA68y_DRwhmxpuZ8s-pkp7I7IQ4vWiOlCcCFcucegLwKSt1d84qlgtXENdjpKt_JSjHfxPZBpcOzrCc2jM2LI_BUC6j0IyWdG818uPSasY2AdiPKZDJggzJQdHbrNxCTcBJIChLwk3/s320/04sd5.jpg" width="213" /></a>Bhairavi Desai, leader of the New York Taxi Workers Alliance, recounted her joyful childhood days in Gujarat. Her father had kept a description of his childhood days and it was read at his funeral in 2008. It vividly portrayed the harmony and good relations existed among all people. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">It is a shame that the same Gujarat witnessed senseless killings and other atrocities, she said.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhSUsmp-Xp7DCtBV4-qs709uaJc-Fi0Z4yCjNrV9ZUMeQ3dPa_Q4kqwV4d5PWto9-XkzdmdEHMluNlp9AfVzA9WcMrEFoGwQwivP0bxAVxM1T8tC2-dW34IdrlguDxFvyBVPfa-WxM38Pv9/s1600/04sd6.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhSUsmp-Xp7DCtBV4-qs709uaJc-Fi0Z4yCjNrV9ZUMeQ3dPa_Q4kqwV4d5PWto9-XkzdmdEHMluNlp9AfVzA9WcMrEFoGwQwivP0bxAVxM1T8tC2-dW34IdrlguDxFvyBVPfa-WxM38Pv9/s320/04sd6.jpg" width="273" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Alex Vilanilam, commissioner of Martin Luther King Commission in New Jersey, said, the Hindutva agenda is to grab power and make India a religious state.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Sunita Vishwanath, founder of Sadhana, a new organisation for progressive Hindus, said the organisation will fight religious extremism. Hinduism is a search for god, without violence was the definition given by Gandhi and it is more relevant nowadays, she said. Her son Akash Mehta, who, as a 11-year-old organised a protest rally against Union Carbide three years ago, was also present.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">India still remains as it was because of the wisdom of the founding fathers, Yousef Dadani regional vice president of the Indian American Muslim Council said. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">He said the killings were not a natural reaction to the Godhra train massacre. The riots continued for five days. The killers and perpetrators roam freely in Gujarat now, while the victims and their families suffer, he said.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Saeed Patel of Non Resident Indians for a Secular and Harmonious India, Juned Qazi of Indian National Overseas Congress, Shaheen Khateeb of Indian American Muslim Council, Monami Maulik of Desis Rising Up and Moving were among the speakers.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">The rally was followed by a candle light vigil, the candles representing the lives of all the victims of Gujarat pogroms that were violently snuffed out.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">At the rally in Washington, DC, Najid Hussain, the son-in-law of former MP Ahsan Jafri who was killed in the riots, and his son Tauseef Hussain were noted for their presence. Tauseef, Jafri's grandson, was 13 years old when the latter was killed.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRPnq8Sf98tTESzdf10LfypEHbvliI_rgBOCdFCVljCmmaKRzpHw3qUfMKsvUCo0Vque9yMNeVDY39quy8Ix6XfZ8aQm2Syy1qRV83VoSia3gPrKEmeiHJQ-2SyD-wmsvLdgN4OKVmrCno/s1600/04sd7.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRPnq8Sf98tTESzdf10LfypEHbvliI_rgBOCdFCVljCmmaKRzpHw3qUfMKsvUCo0Vque9yMNeVDY39quy8Ix6XfZ8aQm2Syy1qRV83VoSia3gPrKEmeiHJQ-2SyD-wmsvLdgN4OKVmrCno/s320/04sd7.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
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</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Najid's wife Nishrin was in India in connection with the 10th anniversary. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Recounting her agony all these years, Najid said, "There is nothing that hurts a family more than to see the woman of the house suffer in silence. Nishrin's agony and pain has not reduced one bit in ten years since the killing of her father. Her nightmares are not suppressed one bit. Her tears have not stopped. And that is very painful to my family as a whole, and me in particular."</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">"There are more than hundred thousand Nishrins and Zakias produced by the Guajrat massacre, who need the balm of justice to begin healing their wounds. Justice is possible in our country only if it is not burdened by the political influences," he said. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">"One of the reasons communal violence in India continues unabated is because we do not bring the perpetrators and masterminds of the violence to justice. We politicise the massacre, cite old precedents of violence with impunity, shift blame, and totally ignore the victims. That approach needs to change. The buck must stop here. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">"Gujarat was called a model "Hindutva Laboratory". Let Gujarat also be the model to start the process where the architects of the violence -- however powerful, or progressive -- are held accountable and justice served."</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">Tauseef added: "Ten years after the tragedy, after ignorant carnage, and after blind injustice, it is heartening that so many still come together seeking answers and demanding reconciliation through justice. What we must continue to hold out for is not some emotional salve of vengeance, but a legitimate recognition of the loss of those wronged." </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">"It is an embarrassment on those representatives charged with protecting the people of Gujarat that a decade has passed without the swift legal retribution Indians should be granted by a functional democracy. As if not enough that contrition has proven so elusive, even simple empathy has been fleeting."</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">"Our family at least has the privilege of a strong voice and supportive audience, which is more than can be said for the multitude of survivors impacted in so many more ways than us. For those long suffering, and for the sanctity of what our India represents, we must turn catastrophe into a lesson."</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br />
</div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-69368191090304925682012-03-01T01:13:00.000-08:002012-03-01T01:13:51.976-08:00Relocated near garbage dump, survivors still picking up the pieces of their lives<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-IYNU0m4TqPyC3j7rYZX8dyWwJWFfiJnVMI_tvbMV0ZNn3xXTwidcNhp2CKSbJTxLkwiwTS6I1ratNDQ9x_M-qYxprXxb1dxK2heBCrRw7NlgRFPQsbR01Plrat858Nqp7rRjsVzZrUOL/s1600/1bbb.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-IYNU0m4TqPyC3j7rYZX8dyWwJWFfiJnVMI_tvbMV0ZNn3xXTwidcNhp2CKSbJTxLkwiwTS6I1ratNDQ9x_M-qYxprXxb1dxK2heBCrRw7NlgRFPQsbR01Plrat858Nqp7rRjsVzZrUOL/s320/1bbb.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>Mandar Chitre , Gopal Kateshiya : Ahmedabad, Tue Feb 28 2012, 05:06 hrs<br />
The dusty colony near Ahmedabad’s garbage dump at Pirana, called “Citizen Nagar” where 183 riot affected families from Naroda Patiya and Gulberg massacre were re-located, wore a deserted look on Monday, with most of its inhabitants away to Gulberg Society to attend a programme to mark the 10th anniversary of the 2002 riots.<br />
In house No. 24, Javed Saiyed, whose mother Noorbano Saiyed is a witness in the Naroda Patiya case, was lying in his bed. Noorbano was among the 50-odd people from the colony who were away to Gulberg. “I also wanted to go but could not since I am down with fever,” 25-year-old Javed said.<br />
Javed’s family of eight - three younger brothers, parents, wife and a two-year-old son - lives in the two-room-kitchen house provided by a Muslim organisation in 2004.<br />
“Luckily, we all survived but that was the day (February 28, 2002) I would not like to remember. I have to take care of my family,” says Javed, who drives a dairy delivery van and an auto-rickshaw for a living.<br />
Though scarred by that day, Javed says he frequently visits his Hindu friends in Kubernagar and Naroda. “Many confess they were instigated and misled by politicians. They regret they did wrong to some,” he says.<br />
Javed’s younger brother Iqbal (18), however, says he still cannot shake off the memories of that fateful day. “I know we have to leave it behind, but how can I forget scenes of children being put to swords, women being molested and the dead bodies in Teesra Kuan! When I remember all this, it causes a lot of heartache,” says the teenager who drives a garbage-collection van for a private firm.<br />
From Indian Express<br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-44934549085327394722012-03-01T01:10:00.000-08:002012-03-01T01:10:18.961-08:00India: A Decade on, Gujarat Justice Incomplete<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiU2GenseAQTk0JO5tqUgvjrdw17PI6i3SBiyS8lwF9LG2gIFroaI0hiEoTToKnMNwSm3CMB3c6i2N7DtJIkUAu0CezfqPTBc3DZeeigD8y4EBCNuPhOyihejXr9_IkejIE9BM0KaAP3mJ4/s1600/1Bb.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="174" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiU2GenseAQTk0JO5tqUgvjrdw17PI6i3SBiyS8lwF9LG2gIFroaI0hiEoTToKnMNwSm3CMB3c6i2N7DtJIkUAu0CezfqPTBc3DZeeigD8y4EBCNuPhOyihejXr9_IkejIE9BM0KaAP3mJ4/s320/1Bb.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>New York) – Authorities in India’s Gujarat state are subverting justice, protecting perpetrators, and intimidating those promoting accountability 10 years after the anti-Muslim riots that killed nearly 2,000 people, Human Rights Watch said today. The state government has resisted Supreme Court orders to prosecute those responsible for the carnage and has failed to provide most survivors with compensation.<br />
The violence in Gujarat started on February 27, 2002, when a train carrying Hindu pilgrims was attacked by a Muslim mob and caught fire, killing 59 people. In a retaliatory spree by Hindu mobs, hundreds of Muslims were slaughtered, tens of thousands were displaced, and countless Muslim homes were destroyed.<br />
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“The 2002 violence against Muslims in Gujarat persists as a dark blot on India’s reputation for religious equality,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Instead of prosecuting senior state and police officials implicated in the atrocities, the Gujarat authorities have engaged in denial and obstruction of justice.”<br />
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Efforts to investigate and prosecute cases inside Gujarat were stalled and activists and lawyers involved in the cases have been harassed and intimidated, Human Rights Watch found. It has taken repeated interventions by the Supreme Court following appeals by activists and victims’ families to order re-investigations, oversee independent inquiries in some cases, or shift trials out of Gujarat to ensure progress towards justice.<br />
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In the past decade, increasing evidence has emerged of the complicity of Gujarat state authorities in the anti-Muslim violence, Human Rights Watch said. In 2002, Human Rights Watch, in its report on the riots, quoted a police officer who said that there were no orders to save Muslims. Human Rights Watch also reported that the government’s political supporters had threatened and intimidated activists campaigning for justice.<br />
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While investigations in the Godhra train attack proceeded rapidly, investigations into cases related to the anti-Muslim riots that followed were deliberately slowed down or simply not pursued, Human Rights Watch said. Officials of the Gujarat state government, led by Chief Minister Narendra Modi of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is serving its third term running the state government in Gujarat, failed to conduct serious investigations and obstructed justice. State courts dismissed many cases for lack of evidence after prosecutors effectively acted as defense counsel or witnesses turned hostile after receiving threats.<br />
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State police failed to investigate senior BJP leaders despite telephone records proving their presence at the scene of the riots in Naroda Patia and Naroda Gaam, and witness testimony that these senior leaders provided the mob with lethal weapons and instigated attacks on Muslims.<br />
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It was only in March 2009, after the Supreme Court-appointed Special Investigation Team took over the inquiry, that two leaders, Mayaben Surendrabhai Kodnani, a minister in the state cabinet, and Jaideep Patel, a leader of the Hindu militant group Vishwa Hindu Parishad, were arrested for aiding and abetting a mob that killed 105 people, injured several others, destroyed property, and sexually assaulted women. Both are still on trial.<br />
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Strong evidence links the Modi administration in Gujarat to the carefully orchestrated anti-Muslim attacks, Human Rights Watch said. Rioters had detailed lists of Muslim residents and businesses, and violence occurred within view of police stations. An independent media organization, Tehelka, used hidden cameras to capture some of the accused speaking openly of how the attacks had Modi’s blessings.<br />
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In August 2011 the Gujarat state government filed charges against a police officer, Rahul Sharma, for passing on Kodnani’s and Patel’s telephone records to the judicial commission inquiring into the violence.<br />
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In September, another senior police officer, Sanjiv Bhatt, was arrested after his former driver filed a complaint alleging that Bhatt had threatened him into signing a false affidavit that on February 27, 2002, after the Godhra attack, Chief Minister Modi had, in Bhatt’s presence, instructed the police to “allow the Hindus to vent their anger.” Bhatt alleges that this showed that Modi gave instructions to the police to allow the attacks on Muslims. In 2005, a police officer, R. B. Sreekumar, was denied a promotion because he criticized the Modi government for its failure to order prompt action that could have prevented the riots.<br />
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In 2005, the US government denied Modi a visa to visit the United States.<br />
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“Modi has acted against whistleblowers while making no effort to prosecute those responsible for the anti-Muslim violence,” said Ganguly. “Where justice has been delivered in Gujarat, it has been in spite of the state government, not because of it.”<br />
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The National Human Rights Commission and the Indian Supreme Court have ordered investigations in response to appeals from victims, lawyers, and human rights activists. In 2004, the Supreme Court called for a review of 2,000 cases that had been dismissed due to lack of evidence. After fresh inquiries, the police said they reexamined 1,600 cases, arrested 640 accused, and opened investigations against 40 police officers. However, only a small number of these cases have been brought to court and only a few of these resulted in convictions.<br />
<br />
In March 2008, the Supreme Court strongly criticized the Gujarat administration’s attempted cover-up of its role in the massacres and ordered a Special Investigation Team to investigate nine crucial cases under its supervision. The Supreme Court had earlier stayed trials in some of these cases after victims and activists appealed, pointing out that the Gujarat police had failed to carry out proper investigations, and that the accused with connections to the political establishment were granted bail or simply dropped from inquiries.<br />
<br />
Two of the Special Investigation Team cases have resulted in convictions: a special court in Gujarat in November 2011 sentenced 31 people to life in prison for the killing of 33 Muslims in the village of Sardarpura in Gujarat’s Mehsana district in March 2002. The case against those who attacked the train in Godhra resulted in 31 convictions and 62 acquittals.<br />
<br />
In a landmark case, the Supreme Court intervened to ensure fair trials in what is known as the Best Bakery case. In this case, a mob attacked and burned down the Best Bakery in Vadodara, killing 14 people, including 12 Muslims. In a trial before a “fast-track” court, all 21 accused were acquitted in June 2003 after several witnesses turned hostile, later admitting that they had faced intimidation. Following intervention by the Supreme Court, a retrial in Maharashtra state resulted in convictions in 2006 of nine of the accused, each sentenced to life in prison.<br />
<br />
Inone major trial, of those accused of attacking Bilkis Yakub Rasool Patel and her family, the Supreme Court found that intimidation of witnesses and the police bias in favor of the accused were so strong it transferred the case from Gujarat to Maharashtra. In 2008, a Mumbai lower court convicted 12 people in the gang-rape of Bikis Bano and the murder of 14 members of her family.<br />
<br />
Another important case concerned the killing of 69 people, including a former Congress Party member of parliament, Ehsan Jafri, at the Gulmarg Society, a Muslim neighborhood. In a petition against Modi and 62 other officials, Jafri’s widow, Zakia Jafri, accused the Modi administration of “inaction” to contain the riots and “various acts of omission and commission.” She alleged that her husband had continuously called and appealed to top officials in the police and the government, including the chief minister, but no one came to the rescue of the people trapped inside the walled residential compound. A local court in February will start hearing a Special Investigation Team report to the Supreme Court after questioning several people, including Modi. The report has not been made public, but Modi’s statement denying any role in the violence has been leaked.<br />
<br />
“The Supreme Court has been indispensable in compelling the government to do its job to hold the people responsible for the Gujarat violence accountable,” Ganguly said. “Successful prosecutions of cases moved outside Gujarat show that the government can provide adequate protection to victims and witnesses when it wants to.”<br />
<br />
The Gujarat courts, in contrast, reacted slowly to the riots, Human Rights Watch said. However, in February 2012, the Gujarat High Court issued a contempt notice to the Modi government for failing to compensate 56 people whose shops were destroyed during the riots. The High Court also ordered the government to fund the repair of nearly 500 religious buildings that were targeted during the riots, which the court described as "negligence of the state."<br />
<br />
New instances of harassment, threats, and intimidation against activists and lawyers involved in 2002 riot cases are being reported, Human Rights Watch said. In a January 27, 2012 affidavit to the Supreme Court, Teesta Setalvad of the Citizens for Justice and Peace alleged continuing legal harassment in which she was accused of manipulating evidence. She said that these attempts were “a sordid sub-text of the struggle for justice that the petitioner and her organization, who have stood by the struggle for ten long years, have had to suffer this indignity of vicious and mala fide allegations.”<br />
<br />
On February 21 the Supreme Court criticized the Gujarat government for initiating a probe against Setalvad for her alleged role in a case of illegal exhumation of the bodies of the 2002 riot victims. The court said it was a “100 percent spurious case to victimize" her and that bringing such a case “does no credit to the state of Gujarat in any way.”<br />
<br />
“In addition to ensuring that the top officials in the Gujarat state government involved in the riots are brought to justice, Indian courts need to expedite remaining cases and protect activists,” Ganguly said. “Ten years on, India owes it to the victims of the Gujarat riots to end the culture of impunity and prosecute those responsible for this open wound on the country’s reputation.”<br />
From Human Rights Watch<br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-90549667536084538372012-03-01T01:04:00.000-08:002012-03-01T01:04:07.218-08:00Police arrest ‘dacoits’, find ‘Hindu extremist bombers’<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From The Indian Express<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgIq7bMRZcDjub6RqGmhRHlrwlJtTXeFaQVQjfSYl6n6nHrGU5XFj3BWM3ARJCL84AojNJoSWDzLFAVyM21JSp-UH4bIELBN9c3JxxqVo6-AgF-dLdsqrga0CJY1gFStMQEf24eZmLkweJP/s1600/1B.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgIq7bMRZcDjub6RqGmhRHlrwlJtTXeFaQVQjfSYl6n6nHrGU5XFj3BWM3ARJCL84AojNJoSWDzLFAVyM21JSp-UH4bIELBN9c3JxxqVo6-AgF-dLdsqrga0CJY1gFStMQEf24eZmLkweJP/s1600/1B.jpg" /></a></div>VARINDER BHATIA Posted:<br />
<br />
Chandigarh Five men arrested last week in Patiala on charges of planning a dacoity have confessed to carrying out at least four bombings targeted at Muslims in Haryana in 2009 and 2010, police in Haryana and Punjab said today.<br />
The men allegedly belong to a Hindu extremist group called Azad Sangathan, headed by a Jind resident called Azad, also known as Sagar and Kala. Azad was arrested along with his comrades Praveen Sharma, Ram Niwas, Gurnam Singh and Rakesh Kumar at Shambhu barrier in Patiala. All are in Haryana Police custody.<br />
<br />
“They have told interrogators that they wanted to spread terror among Muslims and chose Muslim targets for their attacks,” Inspector Rohtash Singh, station house officer of Jind city police station, who is investigating the attacks, said. “They chose a madrasa and a meat factory in Jind district, and a mosque in Mehlab village of Mewat district. They wanted to target Muslim buildings.”<br />
<br />
Jind superintendent of police Ashok Kumar said, “So far they have confessed to carrying out blasts at four places. It is a sensitive matter. We are not in a position to divulge many details.”<br />
<br />
The Jind-Mewat area was rocked by a series of apparently unexplained blasts in 2009-10. Apart from a madrasa and meat factory, bombs went off in Nuh in Mewat and Safidon in Jind. All were low intensity explosions in which no one was killed, police said. Haryana Police have been treating the madrasa blast, which took place in October 2009, as triggered by a leaking septic tank.<br />
<br />
“All the accused are school dropouts and between ages of 22 and 28. Azad is the head who roped in the others. We have so far not found evidence that they were in touch with any other Hindu extremist group,” Inspector Singh said.<br />
<br />
He said one of the accused, Rakesh, had come to know of potassium sulphate as an explosive while working as a tractor driver at a mine in Tosham in Haryana’s Bhiwani district.<br />
<br />
“He (Rakesh) stole a bag of potash, and the explosive was used by the members of Azad Sangathan to carry out the blasts,” Singh said. The men will be produced in court tomorrow. <br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-85695787843869864082012-02-26T03:32:00.000-08:002012-02-26T03:32:44.945-08:00A decade of Gujarat Carnage 2002<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhkJavOP_UTzCcl22fpem4B_7u1NvZmm1JuciHLJfLgrSQgVRg-4wRKHfmuBvGtVJhrPHlsR9xvA6iLiEkv-u4vBqrD5bXJuHXBmAPJ4US4l0jdovLPmQuFjkQjphbb5arG6RQKaz8fcIWy/s1600/1A.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="288" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhkJavOP_UTzCcl22fpem4B_7u1NvZmm1JuciHLJfLgrSQgVRg-4wRKHfmuBvGtVJhrPHlsR9xvA6iLiEkv-u4vBqrD5bXJuHXBmAPJ4US4l0jdovLPmQuFjkQjphbb5arG6RQKaz8fcIWy/s320/1A.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>By Ram Puniyani<br />
<br />
India has witnessed many an acts of communal violence. Starting from the Jabalpur riot of 1961 to the last major one of Kandhmal (August 2008). Many an innocent lives have been lost in the name of religion. Amongst these the Gujarat carnage is a sort of marker. It came in the backdrop of massive Anti Sikh pogrom of 1984, the anti Muslim violence of post Babri demolition and the horrific burning of Pastor Graham Steward Stains in Kandhmal. It was a quantitative and qualitative departure from the other major carnages which have rocked the country.<br />
<br />
To begin with the burning of Sabarmati S 6 coach was cleverly projected to be an act done by neighboring Muslims and in turn the violence was directed against the Muslim population of Gujarat, on the ground that the Hindu sentiments are hurt. The section of Hindu community was deliberately incited by the decision of state to take the burnt bodies of victims in a procession, against the advice of the collector of the city. The Bandh call given by VHP created the ground for violence. Here the social engineering was at its display, and dalits and Adivasis were mobilized to unleash the violence against the hapless innocent Muslims, accompanied by the propaganda which demonized the Muslim community as a whole. While in earlier acts of violence, the state police have been an accomplice and the silent onlooker to the violence, here a sort of active collusion of state machinery and the communal forces was on display.<br />
<br />
The BJP ruled state Government had unrestricted run in the state as the Central Government was being ruled by BJP led NDA and the other allies of BJP were too enamored by the spoils of power to spoil the broth by speaking out. Modi had already instructed the officials to sit back when the Hindu backlash will take place. The leading light of socialist movement, George Fernandez, went to the extent of taking the violence against minority women in the stride by saying that rape is nothing new and it happens in such situations. What more was needed for the rioters to run amuck and to central BJP leadership to let the things go on. The pattern of violence against women was particularly horrific, targeting at their reproductive organs and shaming them to no end.<br />
<br />
While the architect of Gujarat pogrom Narnedra Modi kept saying that violence has bee controlled in three days, and central BJP leadership patted him for this, the matter of fact was that violence went on and on painfully for a long time, uncontrolled and unrestricted. The attitude of the BJP controlled state was pathetic and showed the religious bias in relief and rehabilitation work. The compensations given to minorities were abysmally low, state quickly retreated from the refugee camps on the ground that the refugee camps are ‘child production centers’, hitting the minorities where it hurts most. The biases against them were on full display. The atmosphere was created by communal forces in such a manner that the riot victims could not go back to their houses as the people in their areas demanded a written undertaking from them, that they will withdraw the cases filed in the context of violence and that they will not file any cases. Most of the police as machinery either refused to file the FIRs or if registered they kept enough loopholes for the criminals to get away. It was in this atmosphere that the process of getting justice became a close to impossible task. The communalized state apparatus, the attitude of police and judiciary led the Supreme court to direct the shifting of cases away from Gujarat.<br />
<br />
The investigation against Narendra Modi by the state police was an impossible task and so the Special Investigation team was constituted. Unfortunately, that also did not help the matters. Accompanying all this violence and attitude of state government the minorities started feeling extremely insecure. They were boycotted in trade and other social spaces. The result is the sprawling slum of Juhapura as the symbol of polarization of communities along the religious lines. The total dislocation of the monitories created multiple problems at the level of education and sources of livelihood for the minorities.<br />
<br />
The religious polarization and section of media has created a Halo around Narendra Modi, while strictures against him are coming by, about his failure to protect places of religious worship of minorities, the malafide intentions of state in filing cases against social activist Teesta Setalvad, many another cases are still pending, crying for justice for the victims of Gujarat. Having consolidated the section of majority community behind him, assured of their ongoing support, Modi started the high profile propaganda about development and has been trying to distract the attention from the havoc which he has wrought in the state. The big capitalists are finding the state of Gujarat as a happy hunting ground for massive state subsidies, so the media controlled by them is singing praises and modulating popular opinion in his favor, creating a larger than life size image, development man, in order to suppress his role in the violence against minorities.<br />
<br />
In this dismal scenario, there have been many an examples of victims and social activists standing for the cause of justice and doing the practically impossible task of getting justice for violence victims despite all the efforts to turn them hostile and protect the guilty of the communal crimes. While the massive propaganda and state policies are trying to turn the minorities into second class citizens, there are efforts which have gone on simultaneously to retrieve the democratic values in the face of such adverse intimidating situation created by the communal forces. Lately, apart from Court judgments, the civil society response has been picking up and the civil society is trying to overcome the stifling situation and trying to make its voice louder. While we are nowhere close to what should ideally be there in a democratic set up, the responses of civil society and social action groups are noteworthy in the matters of getting justice for victims and in the matters of recreating the liberal space which has been undermined by the communal forces. Times alone will tell if democratic values will be successfully brought in this ‘Hindu Rashtra in one state’<br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-11037182424671475302012-02-26T03:22:00.000-08:002012-02-26T03:22:35.410-08:00Can the horrific violence Gujarat 2002 happen again ?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVAJa61mDxmf3ws3BpiiibSkHbqL3QZuqN64o0wZGJauVtP5dCfh9LIIO9crHFGb9-umEygsFk9042HsJ2JDyqQA6qPVyYuSTkEPDZlT66btubH4pS_sqrgpvCw-3bJgHIYng4er6ucfW-/s1600/ahmedabad_20120305.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVAJa61mDxmf3ws3BpiiibSkHbqL3QZuqN64o0wZGJauVtP5dCfh9LIIO9crHFGb9-umEygsFk9042HsJ2JDyqQA6qPVyYuSTkEPDZlT66btubH4pS_sqrgpvCw-3bJgHIYng4er6ucfW-/s320/ahmedabad_20120305.jpg" width="320" /></a></div> <strong>Feb 28, 2002</strong> Nightmare on an Ahmedabad street<br />
From OutLook<br />
gujarat riots <br />
A Beast Asleep? <br />
Ten years after Gujarat 2002, Outlook asks if we’re likely to witness such horror again <br />
Saba Naqvi , Smruti Koppikar <br />
India is a nation that was born in the bloodshed and displacement of the Partition riots. In its DNA, it inherited the schizoid gene of being a large Hindu nation with one of the world’s largest Muslim populations. It was a historical faultline that was exploited for politics time and again. Ahimsa was the Gandhian ideal we paid lip service to but the reality far too often was mass violence. In urban ghettos, in the old cities across the land, small riots were part of the cycle of life. A religious procession would be taken out, a skirmish would take place, curfew would be clamped, a minor riot would have just taken place or been barely averted.<br />
<br />
But the Gujarat riots of 2002 marked the apogee of communal hatred. Ten years after the Sabarmati Express coach was set afire in Godhra on February 27, and after the bloodbath that followed, we must pause and ask: can it happen again? Many would argue that it cannot because, in the long term, Narendra Modi has had to pay a price for presiding over a bloodbath after the advent of 24-hour television. In the immediate aftermath of the riots, however, he gained enormously. Modi ran a communally charged election campaign six months after the violence, when he would famously use “Mian Musharraf” as a rhetorical term for the entire Muslim community. Modi had been sent to Gujarat in October 2001, at a time when the BJP under Keshubhai Patel was doing badly and had lost a byelection. He began his first term as CM on Oct 7, 2001; five months later, the carnage happened; later in the year, in December 2002, he won the state election with a huge margin and began his second term. He has now been the longest-serving chief minister of Gujarat and will contest later this year for a fourth term.<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYj02uebgkJeF_j3mRqlOyviR-5Bo3vlQ3TOSNTIl9-VAoSRBQcw3_M_KCPiVDDPH2fgT0hY5UzFmlTRVFT4SHK53l8MW2lMik4Nq-ZInkqknKe3CXIlh6yBurMDVGQygFKwycO8ity6Uh/s1600/1A.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYj02uebgkJeF_j3mRqlOyviR-5Bo3vlQ3TOSNTIl9-VAoSRBQcw3_M_KCPiVDDPH2fgT0hY5UzFmlTRVFT4SHK53l8MW2lMik4Nq-ZInkqknKe3CXIlh6yBurMDVGQygFKwycO8ity6Uh/s320/1A.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><span class="fsppicturecaption"><strong>Bombay 1992-93</strong> Babri demolition sparks off first phase in Dec. A rampaging Sena fans flames through incendiary articles and inciting attacks on Muslim localities. (Photograph by Sherwin Crasto)</span><br />
<br />
He most famously used communal polarisation as a political technique and it worked within the boundaries of Gujarat. Sociologist Ashis Nandy says that the problem also arose because for “months afterwards, Modi celebrated the riots. He appeared to be showing off”. Even the Shiv Sena, which had a decade before Gujarat orchestrated vicious riots in Mumbai, looked like relative amateurs at the riot technique compared to the systematic method that was applied and revelled in inside Gujarat. Nandy points out that the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 actually claimed the largest toll. But it’s a blot the Congress always tries to live down and not celebrate. “The whole psychology was different as Sikhs were a prosperous community that people admired and envied,” says Nandy. The Hindu-Muslim equation is another story.<br />
As for Modi, he has become the development man, the business-friendly leader, but his image makeover as an acceptable national figure has not worked. Even BJP president Nitin Gadkari says, “What happened in Gujarat was an unfortunate incident. I don’t think it can or should happen again.”<br />
<table align="center" border="0" cellspacing="1" style="width: 550px;"><tbody>
<tr><td colspan="3" valign="top"><hr color="#cccccc" size="1" /></td></tr>
<tr><td valign="top">“I don’t think it can happen again, not because of any growth in ethics but because the political costs of riots have been rising since 1984 and after 2002, Narendra Modi has blown any chance of ever being PM.” <b>Ashis Nandy, Sociologist</b></td><td valign="top" width="2"> </td><td valign="top">“Riots are regular occurrences at low levels of national income. With rising incomes, communal discontent does not fully disappear, but it begins to take the form of hi-tech terrorism as opposed to low-tech mass riots.” <b>Ashutosh Varshney, Author and academic</b></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" valign="top"><hr color="#cccccc" size="1" /></td></tr>
<tr><td valign="top">“The possibility of a big riot happening cannot be ruled out. We cannot forget that there is no preventive law in place and those guilty of orchestrating riots are not punished. But we have faith in majority, civil society and the media.” <b>Mahmood Madani, MP and cleric</b></td><td valign="top" width="2"> </td><td valign="top">“Aggressive Gujarati middle class believes in hard Hindutva; elsewhere middle class at best believes in soft Hindutva. The only place I can see it being replicated is Karnataka but the middle class there is more diverse.” <b>Achyut Yagnik, Author and historian</b></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" valign="top"><hr color="#cccccc" size="1" /></td></tr>
<tr><td valign="top">“A Gujarat-type riot can happen only if there’s complicity between the Centre and state government. Which is what happened in ’02. The Sangh has not given up on that kind of mobilisation; they are trying it in Karnataka.” <b>B.K. Hari Prasad, Congress leader</b></td><td valign="top" width="2"> </td><td valign="top">“1992-93 won’t happen in the same way in the near future because the potential of that particular anti-minority track has been temporarily exhausted. Majority and minority communities have become more self- reflexive.” <b>Kamala Ganesh, Sociologist</b></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" valign="top"><hr color="#cccccc" size="1" /></td></tr>
<tr><td valign="top">“There was a context to riots and places where riots were habitual. Today there are different concerns, the human rights industry has emerged, media is more intrusive; consequently administrations have to be more responsive.” <b>Swapan Dasgupta, <br />
Right-wing ideologue</b></td><td valign="top" width="2"> </td><td valign="top">“Mumbai is even today a tinderbox and vested interests can still play with<br />
people’s emotions. The scale of violence may be difficult but not impossible because people who order such riots sit safe somewhere and stand to gain.” <b>Julio F. Ribeiro, Ex-police chief, Mumbai</b></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" valign="top"><hr color="#cccccc" size="1" /></td></tr>
<tr><td valign="top">“There were always political motives to the riots in Hyderabad. Sometimes Bajrang Dal, sometimes MIM, sometimes the Andhra lobby. Now things have changed because of the media and Hyderabad’s expansion.” <b>Amir Ali Khan, <em>Siasat</em>, Hyderabad</b></td><td valign="top" width="2"> </td><td valign="top">“No riot can happen without tension being built up by parties and outfits. Average citizens and party workers react out of insecurity, not animosity. That insecurity not only still exists in Mumbai, at times it’s even sharper.” <b>Asghar Ali Engineer, Islamic scholar</b></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" valign="top"><hr color="#cccccc" size="1" /></td></tr>
<tr><td valign="top">“Riots can happen again in Mumbai.<br />
The rhetoric against north Indians is similar and we have also seen sporadic violent attacks against bhaiyyas although Mumbai moves on our finance and enterprise.” <b>Sanjay Nirupam, Congress MP</b></td><td valign="top" width="2"> </td><td valign="top">“The poorer people of Mumbai have moved northwards which means fewer paradoxes exist. The spoils of power and office are now distributed among the parties, which means all shades of politicians are busy getting wealthy.” <b>Aroon Tikekar, Historian</b></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" valign="top"><hr color="#cccccc" size="1" /></td></tr>
</tbody></table>Modi is stuck with the taint because Gujarat was the first mega riot in the age of 24-hour TV. There were victims in Mumbai, Surat, Bhagalpur, Jamshedpur, Hyderabad, Moradabad, Bhiwandi, earlier riots in Ahmedabad, a city that actually recorded one of the first big post-Partition riots in 1969. But they were just numbers, death tolls, the faceless victims of communal carnage.<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiz55UNWK4X3_xt_qGzYw9VGZFp9FcLn8NyQroholWeL6PYXXXruTIzg49nPat4CCMUFqIeQBSgldJZ3mP5-YRfeaBnwMUIcRwwnqck6a1Q5GQxrMhNQLtYCLcI81Gq-_beNJtT6xIs6Be0/s1600/1aa.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="122" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiz55UNWK4X3_xt_qGzYw9VGZFp9FcLn8NyQroholWeL6PYXXXruTIzg49nPat4CCMUFqIeQBSgldJZ3mP5-YRfeaBnwMUIcRwwnqck6a1Q5GQxrMhNQLtYCLcI81Gq-_beNJtT6xIs6Be0/s320/1aa.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span class="fsppicturecaption"><strong>Flash points</strong> The Dec 6, 1992, Babri Masjid demolition; Sabarmati’s burning coach </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br />
</div>But in Gujarat 2002, the stories were documented in heart-wrenching detail and etched in our collective memories. How Bilqis Bano’s daughter was snatched from her hands, flung against a rock, killed, and the pregnant woman raped repeatedly; how Zahira Sheikh survived the grisly burning of the Best Bakery in which her family was roasted alive; how limbs of children were hacked and little boys flung to their death in Naroda Patiya; how Ehsaan Jafri begged for the life of those who had sought his protection in Gulberg Society; how his widow Zakia Jafri still fights for justice and says her husband called the CM’s residence for help. The photograph of Qutubuddin Ansari begging for his life epitomises the plight of an entire community in Gujarat; thankfully, Ansari survived.<br />
The 2002 Gujarat riots also marked the coming of age of anti-communal activism. Several citizens, activists and lawyers who live within Gujarat have consistently fought against a state administration determined to block any probe. On the national stage, individuals like Teesta Setalvad have never relented, losing one legal battle to come back with another. Although Modi has been able to stay one step ahead of the legal snare, he is certainly bogged down by it. Outside Gujarat, he may have appeal for the BJP cadre, but regional parties want to keep a distance from him. If the big players of any regional front in the future are to be Mamata Banerjee, Naveen Patnaik and Nitish Kumar, the CMs of Bengal, Orissa and Bihar would not like to share a platform with Modi even if realpolitik were to force any sort of arrangement with the BJP. Indeed, one can argue that the political price of riots is now too high. Modi is quite stuck.<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial;">T</span>he perpetrators of riots are long-term players in the political landscape. The Thackerays have again bounced back in the local polls in Maharashtra. But the city of Mumbai has changed under their watch. The ferocity and cruelty of the violence that ripped right through Bombay (which became Mumbai later) in the aftermath of the Babri Masjid demolition, in two phases in December 1992 and January 1993, came to symbolise the worst face of a seemingly inclusive city. Till then the city would be described as a cosmopolitan megacity where caste, class and religion were not the dominant markers of public life. Bombay was the city of dreams, its streets offered anonymity, its pavements could turn into homes, its constant whirring machine of enterprise and entrepreneurship played the great equaliser. Surely, such a place could not be derailed by communal violence? This belief turned into a shattered myth in those two spans of ’92-93 when nearly 850 people were killed, 575 of them Muslims; over 2,000 injured and nearly 1,00,000 displaced.<br />
After that, Bombay became Mumbai and no one really calls it a cosmopolitan place any longer. Resilient, yes, but not cosmopolitan. Bombay had its Hindu- and Muslim-dominated neighbourhoods but they were not community-insulated as has happened in the post-riots era. The ghettoising effect of 1993, which continues even today, has made the divisions sharper. In fact, it’s easier now to target this or that community and in many areas the “other” is not welcome at all, says Farooq Mapkar, who was witness to five namazis being shot in Hari Masjid by policemen, was wrongly accused of rioting and acquitted after 16 long years. A bank employee now, he says, “There is now a Muslim Mumbai and a Hindu Mumbai.”<br />
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEih-JeOTSnsJxmzqTyK2ks4D-2xzPxSh6xdVWKi04EdWq8vgqSfzEMsafQq-ZKPrYfWPzZOiw2HHlAsBpUu_zfYKoEiPuoC8z8zA70kEwKJtUjDtBq6qA-i4q4jG5DS4vgQWjzcZ1hyphenhyphennmoA/s1600/1Bb.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEih-JeOTSnsJxmzqTyK2ks4D-2xzPxSh6xdVWKi04EdWq8vgqSfzEMsafQq-ZKPrYfWPzZOiw2HHlAsBpUu_zfYKoEiPuoC8z8zA70kEwKJtUjDtBq6qA-i4q4jG5DS4vgQWjzcZ1hyphenhyphennmoA/s320/1Bb.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span class="fsppicturecaption"><strong>Aligarh, 1990</strong> 125-150 people died in riots set off by killing of Muslims near a mosque by PAC. Misreporting, rumours, partisan PAC kept flames alive for nine days. (Photograph by HT (From Outlook, March 05, 2011)</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br />
</div><span class="fsppicturecaption"><span style="font-family: Arial;">T</span>he Shiv Sena in 1993 called itself the “defender of Hindus”. The Srikrishna Commission report famously indicted Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray and said that “like a veteran general, he commanded his loyal Shiv Sainiks to retaliate by organised attacks against Muslims, especially in January 1993”. The Mumbai police registered four offences against him for a communally provocative editorial exhorting such violence, but the go-ahead to prosecute was not given by the state government; then CM Sudhakarrao Naik famously said if certain leaders were arrested, Bombay would burn; it escaped his notice that the city had already burnt.<br />
<div style="text-align: center;">***</div><strong>Riot After Riot</strong><br />
<ul><li>Fifty-eight major communal riots in 47 places since 1967</li>
<li>Ten in South India, 12 in East, 16 in West, 20 in North India</li>
<li>Ahmedabad has seen five major riots; Hyderabad, four; Calcutta, none since ’64*</li>
<li>The 1990s saw the most riots in the last five decades: 23</li>
<li>The 1970s saw seven riots, the ’80s, 14; the 2000s have seen 13</li>
<li>Total toll: 12,828 (South 597, West 3,426, East 3,581, North 5,224).</li>
</ul><em>* In ’64, a wave of rioting in Calcutta, Jamshedpur and Rourkela killed 2,500.</em><br />
<em><strong>Note:</strong> Only riots with a toll of five or more included; deaths due to bomb blasts not included<br />
<strong>Data:</strong> Alka Gupta</em><br />
<div style="text-align: center;">***</div><br />
<table align="left" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" style="margin-bottom: 25px; margin-right: 25px; width: 250px;"><tbody>
<tr><td width="98"><b><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">Year</span></b></td><td width="171"><b><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">Place</span></b></td><td align="right" width="54"><b><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">Toll</span></b></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" width="327"><hr color="#cccccc" size="1" /></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Aug ’67</span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Hatia, Ranchi</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 183</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Mar ’68 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Karimganj, Assam</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 82</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Sep ’69 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Ahmedabad</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 512</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> May ’70</span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Bhiwandi, Mah.</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 76</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> May ’70</span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Jalgaon, Mah.</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 100</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’77 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Varanasi</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 5</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Mar ’78 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Sambhal, UP</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 25</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Sep ’78 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Hyderabad</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 20</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’78 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Aligarh</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 30</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> April ’79</span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Jamshedpur</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 120</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Aug ’80 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Moradabad</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 1,500</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Apr ’81 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Biharsharif</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 80</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Sep ’82 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Meerut</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 12</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’82 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Baroda</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 17</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Feb ’83 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Nellie, Assam</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 1,819</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Sep ’83 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Hyderabad</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 45</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> May ’84</span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Bhiwandi, Mah</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 146</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’84 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Delhi</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 2,733</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Apr ’85 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Ahmedabad</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 300</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Jul ’86 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Ahmedabad</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 59</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Apr/May’87</span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Meerut</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 70</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Mar ’89 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Bhadrak, Orissa</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 17</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’89 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Indore</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 27</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’89 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Bhagalpur</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 1,161</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Ahmedabad</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 41</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Jaipur</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 52</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Jodhpur</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 20</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’90</span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Lucknow</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 33</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Chandni Chowk, Delhi</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 100</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Hailakandi, Assam</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 37</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Patna</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 18</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Hyderabad</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 165</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Nov ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Agra</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 31</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Hassan, Mandya, Mysore</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 60</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Hyderabad</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 200</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’90 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Aligarh</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 150</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> May ’91 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Baroda</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 28</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> May ’91 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Meerut</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 40</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’92 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Sitamarhi, Bihar</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 44</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’92 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Surat</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 152</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’92 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Malpura, Andhra</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 24</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’92 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Kanpur</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 254</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’92 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Bhopal</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 143</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’92/Jan ’93 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Bombay</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 872</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Nov/Dec ’97 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Coimbatore</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 20</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Feb ’98 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Coimbatore</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 60</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’98</span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Surathkal, Karnataka</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 12</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Mar 2001 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Nalanda, Bihar</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 8</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Mar ’01 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Kanpur</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 14</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’01 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Malegaon</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 13</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Feb-May ’02 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Gujarat</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 1,267</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> May ’02 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Marad, Kerala</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 9</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Apr ’06 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Aligarh</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 6</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> May ’06 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Baroda</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 6</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Dec ’07 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Kandhamal</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 12</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Oct ’08 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Bhainsa, Andhra</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 6</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Sep ’09 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Miraj, Karnataka</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">5</span></td></tr>
<tr><td width="98"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Sep ’11 </span></td><td width="171"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> Bharatpur</span></td><td align="right" width="54"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"> 10</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>Till ’92-93, the city police was seen as a proud force in khaki, worthy of being compared to Scotland Yard; their brutality and vehemence during the ’92-93 carnage turned them in the public eye into a force that did not hesitate to display the saffron beneath the khaki. As police officers and constables told the Indian People’s Tribunal in the immediate months, they “were Shiv Sainiks at heart and policemen of a supposedly secular state by accident”. As many as 32 policemen, including then joint commissioner R.D. Tyagi, were severely indicted by the Srikrishna Commission (SKC) for acts of omission and commission during the riots. None was punished; in fact, Tyagi was promoted to the post of city commissioner during the Sena-BJP regime in Maharashtra soon after.<br />
Senior Sena leaders refuse to discuss the riots but point to the “thousands of illegal Bangladeshi migrants and Pakistani sympathisers” who live in the myriad lanes of the metropolis and “sometimes need to be put in their place”. If at that time the Muslims were the target, today the “other” is the bhaiyya or migrant from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.<br />
Though political organisations may have found it increasingly difficult to stoke such large-scale, mind-numbing violence in recent years, Mumbai is still a tinderbox and vested interests can still play with people. Besides, the question of justice can’t be forgotten when we talk of riots. It rankles the victims that justice has still not been done; not only is justice a prerequisite for reconciliation, it’s also a necessary signal to those who believe they stand to gain by engineering such violence, victims say. The bomb blasts that followed in March 1993, killing 257 and injuring 800, have resulted in convictions, but no one has been punished for the ’92-93 riots except former Sena MLA Madhukar Sarpotdar who was convicted in July 2008 and let off on a Rs 5,000 bail. When the Shiv Sena-BJP came to power in Maharashtra in 1994, barely a year after Bombay burned, the administration withdrew as many as 3,000 cases registered against their workers. The subsequent Congress governments did not drop cases against Muslims that even the SKC concluded were false.<br />
This one-sided justice has exacted its price. The Muslims in the ghettos are angry and often justifiably so. Every bomb blast and terror attack since has meant comb-and-search-and-arrest operations in their mohallas. Now after every major and minor terror attack on Mumbai, mohalla committees mobilise their peace soldiers in bastis, community elders come out requesting calm and peace, Muslims display their patriotism through solidarity marches in case they’re perceived as anti-nationals. The peace is kept but the tensions simmer.<br />
Still, the cycle has been broken in other cities. Hyderabad, for instance, has moved on. The old city is still a hothouse, but communal violence no longer pays. Amir Ali of the influential Urdu daily, <em>Siasat</em>, recounts this brief history of his city’s riots. Before 1994, he says, violence took place every year over processions of Ganesh Chaturthi, Moharram or Bonalu (an Andhra festival). The violence stopped in 1994, when the TDP came to power, though one could not pinpoint an exact reason. Then, in 1998, a poster appeared in the old city of Hyderabad depicting Ganesh with Kaaba under one foot and Medina under the other. Police investigations revealed that the poster was the handiwork of a Hindu politician and former mayor of Hyderabad. He was in fact a member of the Majlise-e-Ittehadul-Muslimeen run by the Owaisi family that still has a grip on sections in the city! The linkages are circuitous, to say the least.<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial;">W</span>hat this story illustrates is that an attempt to trigger a riot is a political tactic. Paul R. Brass, author and political scientist from the University of Washington, who’s studied India’s communal tension and violence, calls it the institutionalised riot system or IRS. This IRS, he says, was created largely in northern and western India and it can be activated by politicians during political mobilisation or elections, and “the production of a riot involves calculated and deliberate actions by key individuals, like recruitment of participants, provocative activities and conveying of messages, spreading of rumours”. There are frequent rehearsals until the time is ripe and the context is felicitous and there are no serious obstructions in carrying out the performance. Does such an IRS still prevail in Mumbai, or Bhiwandi, Malegaon, Aurangabad, Nashik, Moradabad, Ahmedabad?<br />
Recently, activists of the Hindu right were arrested in Karnataka trying to raise a Pakistan flag in a Muslim area. They presumably hoped they would trigger a riot and blame it on Muslims. One must conclude that small riots can and in all likelihood may continue to happen (there was recently a Gujjar-Muslim clash in Mewat not far from Delhi), but it would take a certain conjunction of politics, intent and regime to trigger anything on the scale of the Gujarat riots.<br />
Meanwhile, the political saga of Modi continues, with his national ambitions all too obvious. As things stand now, he can be a national player only if the BJP gets a majority on its own. As that currently seems unlikely, Modi can perhaps examine his predicament from a philosophical, moral or literary viewpoint. He could ruminate over that quote of Lady Macbeth’s who kept washing her hands. “Out, damn’d spot! out, I say”!<br />
<hr /><strong>Riot Triggers</strong><br />
<ul><li><strong>Social:</strong> The feeling of being left out of the discourse. Especially prevalent among minorities who are excluded, deliberately or otherwise, from mainstream events and activities, leading to ghettoisation.</li>
<li><strong>Economic:</strong> The feeling of being left behind. Poor education, unemployment lead to marginalisation of the have-nots. Heightened by sense of deprivation and sight of conspicuous consumption.</li>
<li><strong>Political:</strong> Parties and politicians play on the emotions of votebanks, often to expand it, by mobilising mobs and whipping up passions and fears over illegal immigration and demographic change</li>
<li><strong>Administrative:</strong> The feeling of being targeted and/or ignored by the immediate touchpoints of government—the police and civic administration. Denial of rights and harassment spawn sense of injustice.</li>
<li><strong>Religious:</strong> Perceived slights to sentiments. Can be sparked by a procession in a ‘sensitive’ area; a loud prayer, a road blocked for prayers, or an animal’s carcass thrown into a place of worship</li>
<li><strong>Commercial:</strong> Rivalries sparked off by encroachment of traditional areas of business and economic activity</li>
<li><strong>Verbal:</strong> Provocative speeches that stereotype and instigate the intended target on the basis of language, religion and sexual habits. Rabble-rousing about ‘appeasement’. Sporting events as a test of patriotism and nationalism.</li>
<li><strong>Global:</strong> Rumours and whispers that travel across the wired world about defacement or denigration of holy scriptures and holy figures in books, movies, newspaper articles, posters, cartoons.</li>
</ul><div style="text-align: center;">***</div><hr color="#cccccc" size="1" />By <em>Saba Naqvi in New Delhi and Smruti Koppikar in Mumbai </em></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-8497615570679151742012-02-17T02:39:00.001-08:002012-02-17T02:45:54.272-08:00Saffron brigade halts Muslim realty deals in Gujarat<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMeBgrBn6F4eSa2knUAcgttqO9JWUvPWC-74O3fDBE97ClzUWJpN6ELAaEdSm-9TtYT-y7DP7udyFV3Zyw24hs4p32s93FpuWNSaOiXE6QN7jLRaENuEgivQak8XBMLJf0pk8T0tY5om9Q/s1600/2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMeBgrBn6F4eSa2knUAcgttqO9JWUvPWC-74O3fDBE97ClzUWJpN6ELAaEdSm-9TtYT-y7DP7udyFV3Zyw24hs4p32s93FpuWNSaOiXE6QN7jLRaENuEgivQak8XBMLJf0pk8T0tY5om9Q/s320/2.jpg" width="320" /></a></div> (The saffron brigade is using Ram dhuns and Ram Darbars to thwart all deals in towns where Muslims are buying properties in Hindu-dominated areas.)<br />
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<br />
BHAVNAGAR: Six months ago, a doctor was all set to make a killing by selling his posh bungalow 'Chaitanya' near Crescent Circle to a Muslim family. As soon as the news spread, a group representing the saffron brigade reached his house and tried persuading him to call off the deal. When the doctor did not agree, the group held a sit-in outside his house and started chanting Ram Dhun. The agitators refused to budge till he assured them that he would scrap the deal. Finally, the bungalow was sold to a Hindu.<br />
<br />
Saffron brigade is using Ram dhuns and Ram Darbars to thwart all deals in town where Muslims are buying properties in Hindu-dominated areas.<br />
<br />
The brigade's modus operandi is simple: on getting information about a Hindu planning to sell his property to a Muslim, they squat in front of his house and chant or conduct Ram Darbars. They don't move from the place till the seller caves in.<br />
<br />
The group has managed to get 10 such property deals cancelled over the past six years.<br />
<br />
A six-year-old group 'Setubandh Mitra Mandal' - consisting of VHP, Bajrang Dal, RSS and Shiv Sena members - is wary of Muslims buying properties in Hindudominated areas. The group members said that earlier, Jogivad ni Tanki and Sandhiyavad were traditional Muslim ghettos but now the community is buying properties, both residential and commercial, in posh Hindu-dominated area like Shishu Vihar, Ghoga Circle, Crescent Circle, Vadva and Kalanala.<br />
<br />
Bhavnagar was the only place in Saurashtra which saw communal riots in 2002. "Over the past five years, Hindus have started migrating from the localities where they have been living for generations after selling the property to Muslims,'' said Kirit Mistry, a VHP leader.<br />
<br />
"We have written about it to the state government to demand the implementation of the Disturbed Areas Act in order to stop this activity."<br />
<br />
However, Arif Kalva, a community leader, said, "Muslims in the city have progressed and become prosperous. They too aspire to live in areas where they can become part of mainstream society."</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-22654575646231718492012-02-15T03:27:00.000-08:002012-02-15T03:27:47.386-08:00Karnataka: Intimidated by Hindutva goons Jesuit priests forced to appologise<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiS6D11_JMUeHkeV6KiLNL16q1vfnZ2NOjNDvO5ngIWzkrL6eDZeeYHxbgDEUtcmyMNbKcN1QovwXIjsxoVrZ0IeVHgu3JdhHPCPos_waaTNJUlTHJ7q3Gq_ANjrs7X301Nmz_OH7hCqRPG/s1600/3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="193" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiS6D11_JMUeHkeV6KiLNL16q1vfnZ2NOjNDvO5ngIWzkrL6eDZeeYHxbgDEUtcmyMNbKcN1QovwXIjsxoVrZ0IeVHgu3JdhHPCPos_waaTNJUlTHJ7q3Gq_ANjrs7X301Nmz_OH7hCqRPG/s320/3.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>Led by Freddy D'Silva, vice-president of the Karnataka Jesuit Educational Society, <br />
a group of priests tendered an unconditional apology at the meeting<br />
<br />
Jesuit priests forced to tender apology at peace panel meeting <br />
From The Hindu<br />
One of them was ‘manhandled' by ABVP activists<br />
<br />
A group of Jesuit priests apologised at a peace committee meeting here on Thursday to those who allegedly attacked one of the priests on January 27.<br />
The meeting was called by Anekal tahsildar S. Shive Gowda in connection with an incident on January 27 where ABVP activists allegedly barged into the St. Joseph's Pre-University College in Bahadurpura and shut the institution down. They were agitated over the fact that the Jesuit priests who run the institution had not hoisted the national flag on Republic Day.<br />
Television footage of the incident shows the activists manhandling and berating college principal Melwin Mendonca in the presence of the tahsildar and the police. Mr. Mendonca was then paraded in full public view and taken to the police station by the activists. This was not contested by the activists of various right wing groups who attended the meeting. When the priests tried to present this evidence to the tahsildar, one of the Hindutva leaders stood up and said, “Show all of this to your friends in America. Over here, we make the rules.” <br />
Addressing the gathering, Mr. Shive Gowda said, “The Christians want to take out a rally and file a police case. I have called them here today to convince them that there is no need for anything like that. If they decide to withdraw their [proposed] protest and do not press charges, will you trouble them further?” <br />
When the room, consisting largely of Hindutva ideologues, erupted in agreement, the tahsildar continued, “Then, let us end the matter here and leave the room as friends.” <br />
He admonished the Jesuits for failing to hoist the national flag on Republic Day and advised them that they should do more to prove their allegiance to the flag and the nation.<br />
Led by Freddy D'Silva, vice-president of the Karnataka Jesuit Educational Society, a group of priests tendered an unconditional apology at the meeting. “As citizens of India and as heads of educational institutions, we have made a mistake,” Mr. D'Silva told the gathering.<br />
As he was leaving the meeting, Deputy Superintendent of Police A. Kumaraswamy told The Hindu, “The matter ends here. The ABVP activists have agreed to withdraw their complaint.” Asked about the “complaint” filed by the Jesuits, he said, “They have not filed anything. Anyway, there is no need for all that.” <br />
However, Fr. Mendonca said that a complaint was filed with the police on February 4, but it was not accepted.<br />
Later, Mr. D'Silva said, “The focus of the meeting should have been on the ‘illegal act' where one of us was ‘harassed and detained'. I was pushed into a corner and I apologised. It is not illegal to not hoist the flag but it is illegal to attack and harass somebody.”<br />
Fr. Mendonca has also written to the Karnataka State Human Rights Commission and the Governor seeking justice. “Our future course of action will be decided at the meeting of our governing council,” Mr. D'Silva said.<br />
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</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-44717871640854734802012-02-04T01:33:00.000-08:002012-02-04T01:33:57.008-08:00Learnt in Godhra, forgotten in Jaipur<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From LiveMint<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj86jxT97ci9DgdZEf0NgIpfB8TWYpew5D4O_sL0TxmWi7SowTiLjRL1bpcs0PCcR8gFpxrwUrjcCxhAuXbTrj-EM2JdNdrnib5VCpy-MbCGQUD1VAIS_8-qq3S2G4f-MXmqMUv8tOKAjgG/s1600/039e3f22-4da4-11e1-9389-000b5dabf613.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj86jxT97ci9DgdZEf0NgIpfB8TWYpew5D4O_sL0TxmWi7SowTiLjRL1bpcs0PCcR8gFpxrwUrjcCxhAuXbTrj-EM2JdNdrnib5VCpy-MbCGQUD1VAIS_8-qq3S2G4f-MXmqMUv8tOKAjgG/s1600/039e3f22-4da4-11e1-9389-000b5dabf613.jpg" /></a></div>Mob mentality: A scooter is set on fire in Ahmedabad in November 2003. Photo: AFP<br />
<br />
This month is the 10th anniversary of the incident at Godhra and the events in Gujarat that followed. When the violence began, it was said that the media had made the violence worse. Often this was by its innocence and sometimes by its malice.<br />
Was this true? The Editors Guild of India sent a team to investigate. Dileep Padgaonkar, B.G. Verghese and I were the three men on this team. We visited Ahmedabad, Gandhinagar, Vadodara, Anand and Godhra. We went in March. The smell of roasted flesh had not yet gone when we entered the burnt Sabarmati Express compartment. <br />
It had been detached from the train and kept just off the platform at the station in Godhra. The bodies had been sent onward by train where at every station they stopped, passers-by gawked and were angered. The Vishva Hindu Parishad called for a bandh. The slaughter began the next morning.<br />
I learnt a few things in working on that report for the Editors Guild. For what it is worth I reproduce them for you, because in the wake of the Salman Rushdie affair it is important we understand freedom of speech in India.<br />
The critical learning was that freedom of speech in India must be regulated. To illustrate why, let’s look at our meeting with the owner of Gujarat’s second largest newspaper Sandesh, Falgunbhai Patel. Here is what he told us for the record: “Hindus were not temperamentally prone to starting riots. Gujarat had known worse disturbances (for example in 1969). But this time Hindu anger ‘irrespective of class’ was inflamed by the burning of innocent women and children at Godhra. Even Hindu women felt ‘theek hai, salon ko maro (it’s right to fix them)’.<br />
“The English media had sided ‘out and out’ with the Muslims and the Gujarati papers were, by and large, pro-Hindu.”<br />
This is the approach of someone who owns and runs a newspaper read by 3.2 million people. Sandesh led with a report that the breasts of women had been sliced out in Godhra. The government said this wasn’t true, but Sandesh had a policy of not publishing retractions. Such stories became truth for its readers.<br />
This was the sort of journalism that the Gujarati papers were doing.<br />
When in Anand, I noticed the front page of a newspaper called Madhyantar. I read out its headlines to Padgaonkar and Verghese. One read: “Musalmanon-e puravo aapvo padshe ke te kharekhar Hindustani chhe (Muslims must prove that they are true Indians).” <br />
How were they supposed to do this? That the paper did not say.<br />
We met the collectors administering Gujarat’s districts. Many of them good and decent men and women trying to put out the fire. Some were in their 30s and in over their heads. Time and again they told us that the media was doing damage. That information put out during an episode of violence usually caused more violence. A blackout was best, and they tried to get the cable channels off air.<br />
A principled argument on free speech would find fault with this, true. But having seen what free speech does in India, I take their side.<br />
Article 19 (1)(a) of our Constitution guaranteed free speech to Indians on 26 January 1950. Fifteen months later, Nehru backed down from this guarantee and imposed restrictions.<br />
Half a dozen laws restrict freedom of speech in India. These have to do with provoking religious violence, promoting enmity, insulting a religion and wounding religious feelings. But these laws aren’t new.<br />
Our laws curbing free speech were drafted in 1837. When he was only 33, Thomas Macaulay began producing the Indian Penal Code. It has continued in more or less the same form for 175 years. It shows what a remarkably unchanging culture we are despite living amid the trappings of modernity. The code, a colonial set of laws, remains in force in free India. This is because an Englishman accurately assessed us, and predicted our behaviour and our reaction to external stimulus. This makes Macaulay a very great man. He could tell with confidence in 1837 how Gujaratis would go bestial in 2002. The Constitution made great and universal promises, but then succumbed to the reality of India’s communal violence.<br />
The words “communal violence” are misleading, because they indicate a skirmish between equal communities. Violence by civil society in India is one-sided. The Muslims of Gujarat and the Sikhs of Delhi were recipients. The Hindus dished it out. The second aspect is that the participants are usually known to those they kill, maim and rape. The two most violently communalized cities of India are Ahmedabad and Vadodara. In both, it is neighbourhoods that go to war, with outsiders in supporting roles.<br />
On a later visit to Ahmedabad (a depressing, segregated and oppressively vegetarian city), I was driven through its upper-class neighbourhoods. Here the homes and offices of Muslims had been neatly picked out and burnt. Muslim colonies, what Gujaratis call societies, still had their entrances barricaded as forts. The compound walls had been raised and the gates were blocked, reinforced with metal, wood, whatever was at hand to protect them from their neighbours.<br />
The third aspect of the Indian riot is that the state steps aside and lets the aggrieved party avenge itself. <br />
A few weeks later, at a session hosted by Gujarat’s finest scholar of Islam, Asghar Ali Engineer, we tried to make sense of this. The former IAS officer, Harsh Mander, said the British system of administration and policing was so designed that the state could bring its wild citizenry to heel inside two days. That this had not happened in Ahmedabad and Vadodara showed the intention of the state.<br />
When vengeance is taken, there is a swift return to neighbourhood normalcy and the hatred vanishes. Where did it go? I found this disturbing because I could not understand it, and still don’t.<br />
Vadodara’s physics professor J. S. Bandukwala, whose house was vandalized, observed something about the 2002 violence. There is still an absence of remorse and absolutely no regret among Gujaratis.<br />
No truth and reconciliation commission for Gujaratis, or the barbarians of Delhi who cut down 3,000 Sikhs.<br />
When confronted with their behaviour against Gujarati Muslims, the snarling response of Gujarati Hindus, and I include my friends and family in this, is, “Ae loko-e sharu karyun (They started it).” <br />
One cannot argue against this because chronologically it is true. The use of “they” convicts all Muslims for an incident in which some individuals participated.<br />
It is difficult to explain to Indians the wrongness of collective punishment. This is because our identity is collective, and so is our behaviour. The understanding that this is wrong comes mainly to those who speak English. Individuals are more easily produced by English because it opens access to the world outside the tribe. It is able to place us outside the narrow definitions assigned to us by Gujarati and Hindi.<br />
But for most Indians, if they started it then they must suffer for it. <br />
This mindset is something we have to accept. The focus must be on how to limit its damage.<br />
The damage is done by a Hindi-medium world view. Trying to fight it with English-medium tools will end in frustration. This is why a debate about free speech here has no meaning. All these things dissolve to nothing in the knowledge that a real price is extracted for this freedom.<br />
The men who read Rushdie aloud in Jaipur and fled after lighting the fuse were neither brave nor considerate. Such deliberate mischief has consequences.<br />
Aakar Patel is a director with Hill Road Media. <br />
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</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-53366580842670884722012-02-04T01:30:00.000-08:002012-02-04T01:30:45.812-08:00Govt for banning “made snana”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From The Hindu<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdLmKpHJ_ZTSmIDvELQ0LF_iaNa3a0Ojroo3Des3P1pxokWZo0H_uJg49vnHjYlubVo2aCVPKBXPH6EGz_Hg_NWdETNrlIBP2V36kWYaMd4B-dRaHqcKJ2kcgX3fRhuT5jN1VWBgHwWMST/s1600/IN03_ASSEMBLY_912468f.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="212" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdLmKpHJ_ZTSmIDvELQ0LF_iaNa3a0Ojroo3Des3P1pxokWZo0H_uJg49vnHjYlubVo2aCVPKBXPH6EGz_Hg_NWdETNrlIBP2V36kWYaMd4B-dRaHqcKJ2kcgX3fRhuT5jN1VWBgHwWMST/s320/IN03_ASSEMBLY_912468f.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>Karnataka Government is moving in the direction of banning the “made snana,”a ritual where people roll on plantain leaves left by Brahmin priests after partaking lunch in some temples, Minister for Religious Endowments V.S. Acharya told the State Assembly.<br />
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“The issues pertain to a belief of people. It is being practised for more than 500 years. It cannot be banned forcibly. We have to educate people. The government is moving in this direction to ban the practice”, Mr. Acharya said when opposition Congress sought a ban on the practice.<br />
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Mr. Acharya said three types of ‘made snana’ are being practised in the State and added “this year also the government made efforts to ban it in Kukke Subramanya temple in Dakshina Kannada district, but was forced to allow it in the wake of protests against the ban.” <br />
Hitting back at Congress Deputy Leader T.B. Jayachandra, who criticised the BJP government’s failure to end the “obnoxious” practice, Mr. Acharya said “the country got independence 64 years ago. Congress ruled the state for about 60 years. Why Congress governments did not think of banning the practice? ‘Made Snana’ is an annual ritual held in Kukke Subramanya temple and at another temple in Pavagada taluk of Tumkur district.<br />
<br />
The House later passed The Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments (2nd Amendment) Bill, 2011 which seeks to remove certain difficulties faced in implementing the provisions of the Act enacted in 1997 and to omit certain overlapping provisions in the act.<br />
<br />
The JD(S) staged a dharna for a brief while and later walked out after the Speaker rejected its demand for deferring the passage of the bill to February six as its members wanted to offer their suggestions. <br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-79215429561379031422012-01-29T05:53:00.000-08:002012-01-29T05:53:59.441-08:00After Madhya Pradesh now the Karnataka govt introducing Gita in School<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiPqoq7IyGd-C1sjuSHRIEbN6tdqGEdeSlcS6HDTSDjONRBRjRvx5jpr4NCHDd7iyZYEhSx_P9bNla0k48DoSZACEQ2A1j0vWJDhVZIUMF9Isgz8fjhppJIAPtS9p0ui_5orxbODv3oxJv/s1600/bhagavadgita.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiPqoq7IyGd-C1sjuSHRIEbN6tdqGEdeSlcS6HDTSDjONRBRjRvx5jpr4NCHDd7iyZYEhSx_P9bNla0k48DoSZACEQ2A1j0vWJDhVZIUMF9Isgz8fjhppJIAPtS9p0ui_5orxbODv3oxJv/s320/bhagavadgita.jpg" width="223" /></a></div>From: Deccan Chronicle<br />
Gita: From home to school?<br />
First the government allowed the Swarnavalli Maha Samsthanam Sonda of North Canara district to give discourses on Bhagvad Gita in schools to “enlighten” students. When faced with violent protests by student organisations in Kolar, Haveri and other places, it quickly assured them that attending the discourses was optional. But it has now gone a step further and wants to make the Gita a part of the state syllabus. Accusations that the ruling BJP was trying to saffronise state education while ignoring many of the real problems besetting it have been flying thick and fast since Chief Minister D.V.Sadananda Gowda announced on Sunday that the government was ready to make Gita a part of the syllabus.<br />
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Many feel the move could boomerang. Dr. S R Keshava, an economist and professor at Bangalore University (BU) warns that if the government goes ahead with its plan to introduce the Gita as part of the syllabus it could affect the secular nature of society and lead to demands for study of other religious books too in schools. “I do not want to diminish the importance of the Gita. It is respected the world over. But I cannot support making it a part of the curriculum. Tomorrow the government could come under pressure to introduce texts of other religions too,” he says, wondering what the need is to go down this controversial path when the state's students are struggling to make a mark in national admission tests and Karnataka’s contribution in the fields of science, technology, research and development is nowhere near satisfactory. “Also government schools dont have enough students. The state should be trying to find a solution to these problems, instead of talking about introducing the Gita in the curriculum,” Dr Keshava argues.<br />
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Senior officials of the Department of Public Instruction (DPI) too do not support the idea of making Gita a part of the syllabus as they fear it could lead to divisions among children from different backgrounds studying in state schools. “What we need is upgrading of the syllabus to prepare students for future challenges at a time when the education sector is undergoing rapid changes. But the state government has failed to tackle this. We still don't have answers how to prepare students for the Central curriculum, how to increase the enrollment in government schools or introduce the Right to Education (RTE) Act," points out an officer.<br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-44184200967839750752012-01-16T00:08:00.000-08:002012-01-16T00:08:46.317-08:00Love Jihad hate campaign: Kerala police lodges case against Hindutva website<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From TwoCircles.net<br />
By Abdul Basith MA<br />
Thiruvananthapuram: With the facts behind the ‘Love Jihad’ finally being officially out, as the cyber cell of Kerala police have now registered cases against the hate campaign organised by Hindu Janajagruti Samiti through its website <a href="http://www.hindujagruti.org/" title="http://www.hindujagruti.org/">http://www.hindujagruti.org/</a>. Cyber cell with the help of cyber forensic department have started probing into the details regarding the activities of the website and the ones behind it. At present an FIR has been registered without naming any suspects. <br />
The cyber cell sought details from the service provider Yahoo, on the website and the ones who registered this site. Besides Hindu Janajagruti Samiti’s site, cases under section 153 were taken against other five websites as well on similar charges for pressing on with the hate campaigns even after the Police reports and court terming it baseless. The cyber cell said that details will be sent to the central agency as well because investigations need to be carried out beyond the Kerala, Karnataka region. <br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_l-u-EHrSPnz7QVMuXqngTbRX3sGKK0u8ESrwXWqcQj6TGWQqCyfPgGpXkGNFwMdbJrZ3FU-C24PKllqy_-u4xAXAiW80AcdXiRe5oHYV0X-mcBSaUj3ITyVnM0Ifd1LTR2RjSymZVB9y/s1600/6702652569_73ca10770d.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="156" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_l-u-EHrSPnz7QVMuXqngTbRX3sGKK0u8ESrwXWqcQj6TGWQqCyfPgGpXkGNFwMdbJrZ3FU-C24PKllqy_-u4xAXAiW80AcdXiRe5oHYV0X-mcBSaUj3ITyVnM0Ifd1LTR2RjSymZVB9y/s320/6702652569_73ca10770d.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br />
</div>The website seems registered by a north Indian named Margaret Krishna and now investigations are mainly focussed on him. The police sources said that the site carried out those hate campaigns targeting the Muslim youths even after the court rejected all those allegations based on the Love Jihad. The website besides seemed like making obvious attempts to deny Sanathan Sanstha’s involvement in those series of blasts including Ajmer and Malegaon and its contents featured articles and editorials propagating Hindutva ideologies of Sanathan Sanstha.<br />
The site highlights campaigns and programmes organised by extremist Sangh organisations like Sri Ram Sene, VHP, RSS, Hindu Maha Sabha and Shiv Sena. The website featured hate campaigns hurting sentiments of other religions. The website contained fake intelligence reports with the intension of accusing terror on a specific community and this website through its contents seems to have played a vicious role in the campaign against MF Hussain as well. <br />
The site had earlier published fake posters and notices under the name of Popular Front of India [PFI]. The pretention was that, they are exposing the Love Jihad carried out by Muslim organisations in Kerala and Karnataka. Based on this PFI had earlier registered a complaint in the cyber cell. With the news spread regarding the case taken against the website, the contents and pictures regarding Love Jihad were soon removed from the website but were later restored. <br />
Link:<br />
<a href="http://www.hindujagruti.org/" title="http://www.hindujagruti.org/">http://www.hindujagruti.org/</a><br />
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</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-58226066772900905912012-01-14T23:55:00.000-08:002012-01-14T23:55:43.752-08:00The BJP in Karnataka is fanning communal fears to consolidate the Hindu vote<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From Thehelka,<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjoMJ44i2bUyVDcDWPod4oQeOzOZnhZuwBCvolWVNU1S7nwoJ0V2fP9S2Q_aNybKDMq7TU5CzmPUfKdlsEc1EZk6sq8SrCTlLcY1c63rsiSuOgxMwvXTT1DFgwjWmeDk4UkuvjEHrAKYGtt/s1600/Fuelling.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjoMJ44i2bUyVDcDWPod4oQeOzOZnhZuwBCvolWVNU1S7nwoJ0V2fP9S2Q_aNybKDMq7TU5CzmPUfKdlsEc1EZk6sq8SrCTlLcY1c63rsiSuOgxMwvXTT1DFgwjWmeDk4UkuvjEHrAKYGtt/s320/Fuelling.jpg" width="231" /></a></div><div class="normantext"><strong>EVER SINCE</strong> the BJP government in Karnataka started crumbling from within, following the unseating of BS Yeddyurappa from the chief minister’s post, the state has witnessed subtle attempts at raising the communal temperature.</div><br />
<div class="normantext">In the past, the attempts were crude — like desecrating religious centres. On New Year’s Eve, a Pakistani flag was hoisted at Sindagi town in Bijapur district, leading to communal tension in this Muslim-populated area. When the flag was discovered in the morning, several Hindu organisations called for a bandh. A prayer hall belonging to the minority community was stoned. Five days later, the police arrested six alleged Sri Ram Sene members on charges of hoisting the flag to create communal tension. While Sene chief Pramod Muthalik has denied that the arrested men belong to his outfit, JD(S) chief HD Kumaraswamy pointed a finger at the BJP-RSS.</div><br />
<div class="normantext">Whichever Hindutva group they belonged to, there seems little doubt that communal politics is becoming more Machiavellian. The flag could have been aimed at hinting at the supposed secret loyalty of Muslims to India’s arch-rival. In Mangalore, RSS leader Prabhakar Kalladkar has been openly giving vitriolic statements against the Christian community.</div><br />
<div class="normantext">If Yeddyurappa breaks away from the BJP and forms his own party or joins another, the party is unsure of retaining the Lingayat votebank. With B Sriramulu also forming his own party, the loss of the backward class vote is also looming large. Communal tension could consolidate the Hindu votebank. Even former Bajrang Dal state president Mahendra Kumar says, “The hoisting points to the desperation to divide voters on communal lines. Since the BJP is politically dead in the state, it has resorted to its old strategy.”</div><div class="normantext"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgwxuI7o5YwWrtdLHrpdd9d5c5dzsD_loo15TYjbxVKIyE5cwUCji6W6fsMybkpgc6It6GL_jSHR5h0kj0yAqSRXUlsOBMjmR53BDkAdK97J1AdU_vNgPrpyOgChaiOhR41o_fYIOOl0w68/s1600/Hoisting.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgwxuI7o5YwWrtdLHrpdd9d5c5dzsD_loo15TYjbxVKIyE5cwUCji6W6fsMybkpgc6It6GL_jSHR5h0kj0yAqSRXUlsOBMjmR53BDkAdK97J1AdU_vNgPrpyOgChaiOhR41o_fYIOOl0w68/s320/Hoisting.jpg" width="193" /></a></div><div class="normantext">Certainly, the silence maintained by the state government about the incident was eerie. In an earlier incident, Home Minister R Ashok had called a press conference and blamed the radical Muslim outfit Karnataka Forum for Dignity. This time, he did not issue any statement. Nor did any senior BJP minister, including Industries and district in-charge minister Murugesh Nirani visit the place, giving room for more suspicion. As Congress MPH Vishwanath puts it, “What is the government doing? Stringent action should be taken against the accused. If the act was done by Muslims, the government would have made it an issue.”</div><div class="normantext"> </div><div class="normantext"><strong></strong>In spite of a string of violent attacks on innocent people, the Sene continues to operate in Karnataka with impunity. On 17 December 2011, Muthalik and Sene activists went on a rampage at the Bangalore Central College and attacked Niranjan BR, director, directorate of correspondence courses and distance education, for the delay in conducting exams.</div><div class="normantext"> </div><div style="padding-left: 10px;"> <table align="left" border="0" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="0" style="width: 330px;"><tbody>
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<tr> <td style="padding: 5px;"> <div class="normantext"><strong>With cows dropping dead, and more likely to die due to neglect, TN is poised for a leather revolution</strong></div></td></tr>
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</div><div class="normantext">Muthalik shot to fame during the infamous pub incident in Mangalore on 24 January 2009, when 40 Sene men attacked women customers, claiming they were denigrating Indian values. During the probe, the police also found out that Sene had links with the perpetrators of the 2008 Malegaon blasts. Incidentally, at a Dharm Jagruti Sabha in 2009, Muthalik had claimed, “Malegaon was a <em>jhalak.</em> A lot more is possible if every woman picks up bombs like Sadhvi Pragya.”</div><div class="normantext"> </div><div class="normantext">Since then, the Sene’s name has cropped up in the Hubli blast (2008) and communal clashes in Mysore (2009). “We have arrested Muthalik for abetting the throwing of a pig carcass near a religious school that led to clashes in which three people were killed,” Mysore Police Commissioner Sunil Agarwal had then said.</div><div class="normantext"> </div><div class="normantext"><em>Imran Khan is a Senior Correspondent with Tehelka.com. </em></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-20671421496413374122012-01-07T11:39:00.000-08:002012-01-07T11:39:04.820-08:00Bajrang vigilantes cry cow-slaughter, beat, humiliate Muslim trader<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From Indian Express<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg87kYOn6PzNDkeTFXHD-kIs7ijgad1BUd5Xz0-OHeD9nqXDaKHYQ5LA3smfhA3D8uwc2ZL4gpe7UcGqtdkd4BldRQPQIRACaQYB5y7ip5spE62IksObQk9S1reWFOQmul2G5yQvGeDp1pO/s1600/M_Id_259830_FP.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg87kYOn6PzNDkeTFXHD-kIs7ijgad1BUd5Xz0-OHeD9nqXDaKHYQ5LA3smfhA3D8uwc2ZL4gpe7UcGqtdkd4BldRQPQIRACaQYB5y7ip5spE62IksObQk9S1reWFOQmul2G5yQvGeDp1pO/s1600/M_Id_259830_FP.jpg" /></a></div>A Muslim cattle trader’s son was beaten and part of his head, one eyebrow and half his moustache shaved off by alleged Bajrang Dal workers in Chhindwara in Madhya Pradesh after he refused to give them money to allow him to ferry cattle which the attackers alleged were meant for slaughter. <br />
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Police rescued the 25-year-old victim, Anish Aslam Kureshi, but charged him with unlawfully transporting cattle for slaughter under a state law for preserving cattle, and the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act. A sessions court in Chhindwara ordered his release on bail today.<br />
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His attackers, whom the police identified as Bajrang Dal workers, were also arrested, but were charged with minor offences. They were released almost immediately by the Bichhua police station.<br />
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On December 22, a tough new Madhya Pradesh anti-cow slaughter law providing for seven years in jail for eating beef, empowering police to carry out raids on mere suspicion, and putting the burden of proving innocence on the accused received presidential assent.<br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-72023030588015466782012-01-05T01:56:00.000-08:002012-01-05T01:56:04.681-08:00Muslim and Catholic groups question secular credentials and tactics of the Anna Hazare movement<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> <span style="color: black; font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 13pt;"><a href="http://www.indianexpress.com/story-print/892781/"><span style="color: blue;">Indian Express</span></a><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBUniy3X6T2eVcrtd437-i-hvkr2zIaCksKvs_vWk6jM77wuy2W2eFbJpxfnS-wj9q5ppgoNMDy4eEGhYH_7JpBUUxnpQRziERu7-MZtuu-7sOl0wzVkV8RaumhMBzRghtleVXOIumztZZ/s1600/Muslim.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBUniy3X6T2eVcrtd437-i-hvkr2zIaCksKvs_vWk6jM77wuy2W2eFbJpxfnS-wj9q5ppgoNMDy4eEGhYH_7JpBUUxnpQRziERu7-MZtuu-7sOl0wzVkV8RaumhMBzRghtleVXOIumztZZ/s320/Muslim.jpeg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-weight: bold;">Minority groups question secular credentials</span><br />
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Mumbai : A day after Team Anna member Arvind Kejriwal met Muslim community leaders here seeking their support and trying to dispel the impression of the movement’s “RSS links”, Muslim and Catholic groups questioned their secular credentials and tactics.<br />
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While the Catholic Secular Forum slammed Anna Hazare’s decision to protest outside the residences of Sonia and Rahul Gandhi, the Jamiat Ulama-e-Maharashtra said that while they were also against corruption, the activist’s ways were “like Hitler”.<br />
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Gulzar Azmi, general secretary of the Jamiat, said Hazare was undermining the authority of Parliament. “We do not support the movement and feel that the Bill should be debated in Parliament and then passed... No one should dictate terms,” said Azmi.<br />
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He also questioned the threat to protest outside houses of leaders who do not agree with them.<br />
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“These are tactics Adolf Hitler used... Team Anna is forgetting that they got Parliament to debate a Bill which was in the pipeline for more than four decades. It is now time to step back and let Parliament function,” said the Jamiat Ulama-e-Maharashtra leader.<br />
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A few members of the community who met Kejriwal too said they had not committed to support the movement. “All we did was speak to him about certain issues,” said Farid Shaikh, president of the Bombay Aman Committee.<br />
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Catholic Secular Forum general secretary Joseph Dias said Hazare must clarify allegations that he backed Hindutva and questioned his decision to protest outside Sonia and Rahul’s houses.<br />
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“The Congress alone cannot be blamed for corruption. Why doesn’t Anna speak out against Narendra Modi, B S Yeddyurappa, the BJP...? He has not demonstrated against attacks on minorities,” said Dias.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-70996931710051860102012-01-04T07:55:00.000-08:002012-01-04T07:55:11.372-08:00Activists of Hindu right wing arrested for hoisting Pakistan flag<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From Newzfirst<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhpVbdCySPo7t1EWJIIWXV9Cb_pA3yuVwuxgoN0W8HW_cT1GIPh8uiNyKxKzcnTW7yhtEXs8Aktpoj_LYpDQscyblJdwKq6IcFID6f6UmA1ezz1UIrjdYNDwUyqVLWjMXSqmy6qtdBIiz2a/s1600/article.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhpVbdCySPo7t1EWJIIWXV9Cb_pA3yuVwuxgoN0W8HW_cT1GIPh8uiNyKxKzcnTW7yhtEXs8Aktpoj_LYpDQscyblJdwKq6IcFID6f6UmA1ezz1UIrjdYNDwUyqVLWjMXSqmy6qtdBIiz2a/s320/article.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br />
</div>SINDHAGI (KARNATAKA) - Sindhagi Police of Bijapur district in Karnataka have arrested six people alleged to be associates of right wing Hindu outfit in connection with hoisting Pakistan flag on the flag post at the mini Vidhana Soudha premises - which houses the offices of the tahsildar and government departments.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"> </div>Police have arrested, Rohit Ishwar Navi (18), Sunil Madivalappa Agasar (18), Arun Vagmore(20), Rakesh Siddaramaiah Mata(19), Mallan Gowda Vijay Kumar Patil (19) and Parashuram Ashok Vagmore (20), all are alleged to be members of student wing of Sri Rama Sene.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"> </div>The flag was allegedly hoisted on Saturday midnight during New Year celebration in the Sindhagi, a small town 60 km away from Bijapur district headquarters. Subsequently, the town was turned tense resulting series of protests by Hindu right wing outfits across the state, alleging it as an act of men belonging to the minority community.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"> </div>Moreover, surprisingly, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajarang Dal and other saffron groups had observed town-bandh protesting the hoisting of Pakistan flag. In an effort to exploit the incident, several local political leaders of BJP too had entered the scene by holding processions and cleaning exercise of flag hoisted area. <o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"> </div>Now these arrests have exposed the ugly face of right wing Hindu groups, who have been in forefront of protests, say the people.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"> </div>The same kind of incident had taken place in Bijapur town three years back, but police have failed to book the culprits so far.<span style="color: #363636; font-family: "Footlight MT Light","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"> </div><div id="sendemail"> </div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-26649768634541865992012-01-04T01:54:00.000-08:002012-01-04T01:54:00.358-08:00MP law: 7 yrs in jail for eating beef, cops can raid on mere suspicion<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From Indian Express<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgl718DLY43m92lEsZOJb9vG3TONHRaHhjQCFOvORBZhu55sgQr3a47MoOkrIWi4hBomkemq6-7UTgzol_S9YrOgpfAFV1FCU1lXRqu1AvjCDJ73XnV4GRk6qe91Mz4pvMN5xHlPNxXrjZF/s1600/M_Id_258797_Cow.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgl718DLY43m92lEsZOJb9vG3TONHRaHhjQCFOvORBZhu55sgQr3a47MoOkrIWi4hBomkemq6-7UTgzol_S9YrOgpfAFV1FCU1lXRqu1AvjCDJ73XnV4GRk6qe91Mz4pvMN5xHlPNxXrjZF/s1600/M_Id_258797_Cow.jpg" /></a></div><div class="imgcaption">Cow slaughter is now a serious offence and could invite a jail term of up to seven years in Madhya Pradesh.</div><br />
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Cow slaughter is now a serious offence and could invite a jail term of up to seven years in Madhya Pradesh. Consuming, keeping or transporting beef of any cow progeny will invite the same punishment. A police official not below the rank of a head constable — or any person authorised by a competent authority — has the power to enter, inspect and search any premises “where he has reason to believe that an offence (under this Act) has been, is being or is likely to be committed and take necessary action’’. <br />
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These stringent provisions will be notified after the Madhya Pradesh Gau-Vansh Vadh Pratishedh (Sanshodhan) Bill, 2010 received the President’s assent on December 22.<br />
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Citing public interest and communal harmony, the BJP government argued that existing legislation provided for only a three-year jail term for cow slaughter and had several flaws. The state government amended it in July 2010 and sent it to the President. The new provisions will enable authorities to punish transporters, their employees and drivers with jail terms from six months to three years.<br />
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The Centre felt that raiding premises merely on the assumption that an offence is “likely” could be misused and recommended that such power be limited to cases when an offence had taken place or was taking place. The amended legislation has disregarded the recommendation. </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-74187474027852499212012-01-03T00:47:00.000-08:002012-01-03T00:47:44.264-08:00'BJP trying to convert Madhya Pradesh into Hindu state'<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From TwoCircles<br />
Bhopal: The Bharatiya Janata Party, (BJP), ruled Government in Madhya Pradesh is trying to convert the state into a Hindu State. Many steps taken by the State Government amount to subversion of Indian Constitution.<br />
The above was the gist of a number of speakers who concurred over the issue. They were expressing their views during a workshop on "Communal political agenda" held on the occasion of release of two books authored by eminent thinker Subhash Gatade here. The two books were titled as the " Safforn Condition" and " Godse's Children". The workshop was jointly organised by National Secular Forum and People's Research Society.<br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjemxm1BvoN97R9ehOrFGiNKl8072LN8dpiK7A1_QQITgnzg4dUeuOFLFCVj8pvGHw6NkRQ28vM5-KMJWyJrN4OGlSrNFasH2EJQXkJhDPO1ojLLGVC_DJk0OCpiMS3DViJdmkbK8hrLHhd/s1600/6620615311_e24af157c9.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="195" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjemxm1BvoN97R9ehOrFGiNKl8072LN8dpiK7A1_QQITgnzg4dUeuOFLFCVj8pvGHw6NkRQ28vM5-KMJWyJrN4OGlSrNFasH2EJQXkJhDPO1ojLLGVC_DJk0OCpiMS3DViJdmkbK8hrLHhd/s320/6620615311_e24af157c9.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><strong> Eminent thinker Subhash Gatade's two books being released in Bhopal</strong><br />
The speakers expressed serious concern over State Government's decision to allow Government employees' participation in the RSS activities. They suspected that through the teachings of Geeta State Government was trying to convert Government Schools into Saraswati Shishu Mandirs'.<br />
Subhash Gatade speaking at the release of his books said: "Communalism poses a very grave threat to the integrity and stability to our country". He stressed the need of united struggle against communal forces which are bent upon to destroy the secular fabric of Indian polity.<br />
Talking about the content of the two books L. S. Herdenia, National Convener of National Secular Forum, said the two books throw light on the current socio political and cultural conditions in the country.<br />
Before the release of the two books Deepak Bhatt of the PRS introduced Subhash Gatade. Bhatt said that Subhash Gatade besides being author and thinker is also an activist dedicated to the cause of Secularism.<br />
The speakers who expressed their views in the workshop included former IAS officer Man Dahima; Ibrahim Quershi, former Cabinet Minister and former Chairman of Madhya Pradesh Minorities Commission; social activist Dr. S. M. Hassan, Trade Union leader M. M. Sharma; eminent lawyer Sajid Siddiqui, Dr.<br />
Rahul Sharma, Yogesh Diwan, women activists Zulekha Bi and Upasna Behar. Dr. Uday Jain, former Vice Chancellor of Rewa University, was in the chair<br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-89999007769984826002012-01-02T23:14:00.000-08:002012-01-02T23:14:31.250-08:00Witnesses in India no longer take oath by holy book<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From The Telegraph<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial", "sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="color: #365f91;">A myth about Gita in court </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial", "sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Arial", "sans-serif"; font-size: 11pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><strong>Witnesses in India no longer take oath by holy book </strong></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial", "sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Arial", "sans-serif"; font-size: 11pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: "Arial", "sans-serif"; font-size: 8pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">SAMANWAYA RAUTRAY</span></span></span><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhg3KNrJyI_GPPxbmKRuFo3sYCBdGD9P9zQ7Prz8CSr60sMkVKEfnQjVbVr73IUV_D-syqBK-A7cROI5U2lXVQXN_WNNU5w39wBlpo0dVQg2tRziA0Iq9jnDMq_zZKzzxj59jxv6U7kfoJV/s1600/02bible2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhg3KNrJyI_GPPxbmKRuFo3sYCBdGD9P9zQ7Prz8CSr60sMkVKEfnQjVbVr73IUV_D-syqBK-A7cROI5U2lXVQXN_WNNU5w39wBlpo0dVQg2tRziA0Iq9jnDMq_zZKzzxj59jxv6U7kfoJV/s1600/02bible2.jpg" /></a></div><span style="font-family: "Arial", "sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Arial", "sans-serif"; font-size: 11pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: "Arial", "sans-serif"; font-size: 8pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></span><div align="left" class="story"><strong>New Delhi, Jan. 1: </strong>The Bhagvad Gita may have been at the centre of a court case in Russia but the holy book has long ceased to be part of judicial proceedings in the land of its conception.</div><div align="left" class="story">In India, courts have done away with the practice of having witnesses take oath by the Gita or any other sacred text before giving evidence, contrary to what is depicted in movies.</div><div align="left" class="story">“That’s all Bollywood,” says lawyer Santosh Paul who began his practice in Bombay High Court before shifting to Delhi High Court. “I haven’t seen this happening in my lifetime.”</div><div align="left" class="story">A Siberian court had last week rejected a petition to ban a commentary on the Gita in the Russian Federation. In India, there was a time when witnesses did have to swear by the sacred book of his or her religion. It was supposed to make them speak nothing but the whole truth. </div><div align="left" class="story">The practice had later formalised into a system in the Mughal era, with Hindus swearing by the holy water of the Ganga or the Bhagvad Gita, and Muslims by the Quran.</div><div align="left" class="story">The tradition continued well into the British era as India’s colonial rulers were cautious about disrupting established traditions. “It’s an old, imperial thing. It was assumed that a person who swore by the Gita or the Quran would speak the truth,” senior advocate Rajeev Dhavan said. </div><div align="left" class="story">But that ended in 1840, when the imperial rulers tried to introduce a more uniform system of taking oath in the name of God. </div><div align="left" class="story">A law was enacted to abolish these forms of oath in trial courts and enabled Hindus and Muslims to give evidence on “solemn affirmation”. This act was extended in 1863 to the high courts. The Indian Oaths Act, 1873, consolidated this position. </div><div align="left" class="story">Some imperial-era courts, such as Bombay High Court, however, had rules that permitted non-Hindus and non-Muslims to take oath by their own religious books till 1957. </div><div align="left" class="story">A Christian had to swear by the New Testament, a Jew by the Hebrew Testament and a Parsi by the open Zend-Avesta with his shoes on. A Hindu or a Muslim could just solemnly affirm their statements in the presence of Almighty God. </div><div align="left" class="story">This practice of non-Hindus and non-Muslims swearing by the religious books of their religion, however, ended in 1969. After the Law Commission, in its 28th report, suggested a revamp in the Indian Oaths Act, 1873, a law was passed introducing a uniform system of taking oath all over the country. </div><div align="left" class="story">Under the 1969 law, which is still in force, witnesses can swear by a universal god without referring in any way to any particular religious denomination. </div><div align="left" class="story">“I do swear in the name of God/solemnly affirm that what I shall state shall be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth,” was the format prescribed. </div><div align="left" class="story">No child under 12 needed to take such an oath. The only possible remnant of the Gita now in Indian courts is a Sanskrit inscription atop the Supreme Court building inaugurated in 1952. </div><div align="left" class="story">It says “<i>Yato Dharmahstato Jayah</i>”, which loosely translated means victory lies with those on the side of dharma, the lines attributed to Gandhari in the Mahabharata. </div><div align="left" class="story">In the epic, Duryodhana and her other sons were so desperate to win the war against the Pandavas that they sought Gandhari’s blessings on every single day of the 18-day war. </div><div align="left" class="story">But Gandhari was careful to hedge her blessings with: “Let victory lie with dharma.” The Pandavas won the war.</div><div align="left" class="story">“Now, inside courts, the Constitution is the only holy book,” a senior lawyer said.</div></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-5028676750409470702012-01-02T23:08:00.000-08:002012-01-02T23:08:47.455-08:00Saffronisation of Education underway in Karnataka?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From IBN Live<br />
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "Georgia", "serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"><strong>Dwarakanath sees saffron conspiracy</strong></span><br />
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "Georgia", "serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">BANGALORE: Strong comments were made against the State government’s decision to close down schools which do not have enough students on Monday at a meeting organised by the Save Government Schools Forum. <br />
<div class="txt" id="font_text">The speakers at the meeting called the move ‘a Saffron conspiracy to enslave Dalits.’ “When the Aryans came here, they had two ways to dominate over the others. One was to severely handicap the Dalits. The other way was to snatch away knowledge from them. The government is taking the second way by closing the schools, so that Dalits and other backward class children are deprived of education,” said former chairman of Karnataka State Commission of Backward Classes Dr C S Dwarakanath. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzB2AT8-f5lMU1OJhSjXAaMNhqt-qJRG4CvWRxDbZEq_kSdJoo8MT_3a9J2haoM-wS-og1nYZwVlWkxit7Pltln1mc8P4v1Wvf_gDS0K7IUXwgkafdtAYNiv2pWVzeTLSb2M0EswAY62et/s1600/_46549219_karnataka_4.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzB2AT8-f5lMU1OJhSjXAaMNhqt-qJRG4CvWRxDbZEq_kSdJoo8MT_3a9J2haoM-wS-og1nYZwVlWkxit7Pltln1mc8P4v1Wvf_gDS0K7IUXwgkafdtAYNiv2pWVzeTLSb2M0EswAY62et/s320/_46549219_karnataka_4.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="txt" id="font_text">Dwarakanath delved into the circumstances surrounding the decision taken to close down the schools. “We have to look at several things before talking about the closure. The Sangh ideology is very evident. The new syllabus for class 5 is highly saffronized. The RSS concept of Akhand Bharat is back and Dronacharya becomes a hero in the Ekalavya story - a subliminal attack on the oppressed classes,” he said. </div><div class="txt" id="font_text">“The entire education system is in the hands of the Sangh today. So much that the Higher Education Minister V S Acharya, who is a doctor, spoke in favour of Made Snana. Besides, everything is planned in a phased manner. We must realise that there is no science and English subjects in rural areas. This is their way of oppressing the Dalits,” said Dwarakanath. </div><div class="txt" id="font_text">The Actual Reason?</div><div class="txt" id="font_text">Dwarakanath opined that the move to close the schools was a means to empower the Ashram Schools that are currently admitting the children of the nomadic tribes. “Everybody knows the relationship between spiritual mutts and the BJP. Most of the Ashram Schools are run by the Mutts, and we can only imagine what they learn there. The closure is an aim to merge the schools with the mutts, so that the government can inject more funds, and infuse saffron ideology into the children,” he said.� </div><div class="txt" id="font_text">‘Planned Conspiracy’</div><div class="txt" id="font_text">Providing a historical perspective to the deprivation of education to Dalits, senior advocate in Karnataka High Court and human rights activist S Balan said, “Look at it historically. Calls for free and compulsory education have been made by Jyotiba Phule, Gopal Krishna Gokhale and also by Dr B R Ambedkar. All their calls have fallen on deaf ears. From 1991 till now, we have seen mass commercialization of education, which is reaching only the privileged,” he observed.</div><div class="txt"><br />
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</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-15344176512608760542012-01-01T10:52:00.000-08:002012-01-01T10:52:09.604-08:00Karnataka: Attack on a Church in Mangalore<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="post-header-line-1"></div><div class="post-body entry-content">From: <span style="color: #660000;">The Times of India</span><br />
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<span style="font-weight: bold;">Mangalore prayer hall attacked</span></div><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihnIgyMzbNTRoMd-MckYtqc2nFzHdHqJPpoTOZM8BxZ49S8X2IAsQVvXcEzlqDLvCnQKVHmOB1Bo2JeWM897HTxkTILQLywIciE9_H6N_cZXC1g4ZH0T82gwnMtdJjOtmeqcQSV3iT0q24/s1600/CHT_DEC29_1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihnIgyMzbNTRoMd-MckYtqc2nFzHdHqJPpoTOZM8BxZ49S8X2IAsQVvXcEzlqDLvCnQKVHmOB1Bo2JeWM897HTxkTILQLywIciE9_H6N_cZXC1g4ZH0T82gwnMtdJjOtmeqcQSV3iT0q24/s320/CHT_DEC29_1.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><span style="font-weight: bold;">MANGALORE: A group of about 10-15 miscreants barged into the compound of Hebron Assembly, Pentecostal Church of God at Haleyangady, about 40km from here, on Wednesday night, hurled stones and damaged its window panes. They also broke open the kitchen door of the pastor's house, adjacent to the hall, and damaged utensils.<br />
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Police commissioner Seemanth Kumar Singh who visited the spot told TOI that a few persons were taken into custody on Thursday for questioning . He said no arrests have been made till now.<br />
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"None of the persons inside the house were assaulted as they had secured themselves in a room,'' said pastor ID Prasanna. The pastor came ten minutes after the incident. But his mother Deena Kamala , wife Sarah, their daughter Prerna and son Abhishek, his brother Harry Wilson and brother- in-law Anand Kumar were at the house at the time of the attack.</span><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpg4bgnkAxVdVEATPoUxlPdBezhZdg_VXT9F-KPhnWRfnR35WQu8KxzXH_Wu5lvETryd96iUhd6ejVETj3WTUDIjDiIG4GCAbUx0cMhKzCuEc_yfn_0GroUHH0JxYK8nL9bnbZ3f7HvKeV/s1600/CHT_DEC29_2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpg4bgnkAxVdVEATPoUxlPdBezhZdg_VXT9F-KPhnWRfnR35WQu8KxzXH_Wu5lvETryd96iUhd6ejVETj3WTUDIjDiIG4GCAbUx0cMhKzCuEc_yfn_0GroUHH0JxYK8nL9bnbZ3f7HvKeV/s320/CHT_DEC29_2.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7UT70-7kI1F4Delz-cg8Vyd0j3F3WF1HaGkEeGXGm8kC90l9LvldjVuk5l_DQMuh3ZUiunngKpasan_rN_J8guINOdJMlm3rlEgaHwU2leMChBLVOdovafKNMFDzZQ2Q6zwp6TFjNTPaJ/s1600/CHT_DEC29_5.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7UT70-7kI1F4Delz-cg8Vyd0j3F3WF1HaGkEeGXGm8kC90l9LvldjVuk5l_DQMuh3ZUiunngKpasan_rN_J8guINOdJMlm3rlEgaHwU2leMChBLVOdovafKNMFDzZQ2Q6zwp6TFjNTPaJ/s320/CHT_DEC29_5.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi-Qhlf2VqzOaH5Xjzn9x37M1tdac3H1Ja4DarvAi-4VraxYfmB33-mttwFVIx6ZHgZPZi7D9tYxM35wuxSd2asKW9N38188IX4PrHz92dCAlO0R-QnymmMHb-nZ6bc0WqO_sOBa1qkRNX0/s1600/CHT_DEC29_6.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi-Qhlf2VqzOaH5Xjzn9x37M1tdac3H1Ja4DarvAi-4VraxYfmB33-mttwFVIx6ZHgZPZi7D9tYxM35wuxSd2asKW9N38188IX4PrHz92dCAlO0R-QnymmMHb-nZ6bc0WqO_sOBa1qkRNX0/s320/CHT_DEC29_6.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>"As soon as the miscreants entered the prayer hall compound and pelted stones, the family members ran into the house and bolted the door. The miscreants tried to break open the front door but could not succeed,'' Prasanna said. "No prayer meeting was being held in the hall at the time of the attack,'' he said.<br />
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In 1996, the prayer hall had installed three CCTV cameras at the entrance, verandah and inside the hall _ after receiving threats. Police have taken the CCTV footage.<br />
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Crib torched<br />
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MANGALORE: A huge Christmas crib at Thumbe Darkhas near here was set on fire by miscreants on Wednesday. The crib was a collective effort by about 30 families in that area, and was put up before the house of Regina Lobo on land belonging to Valerian Fernandes at Darkhas on Thumbe-Benjanapadav Road. SP Labhu Ram said a complaint was registered and investigations are on. <div style="clear: both;"></div><div class="post-footer"><span style="font-weight: bold;"></span> </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjVihmAVUov3yB-C-n7CuybS5sIE-FrNqDw_6-JI24wVtV_Ow7I3AcL6iRqul5yoOOJo6TSnhrQF43xBx5CiZRPq7eqjn8zlgzNffYaCZyiK2BOBOfVecmC-aSBiyBK9MwZuj1pnPfnd-y/s1600/CHT_DEC29_7.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjVihmAVUov3yB-C-n7CuybS5sIE-FrNqDw_6-JI24wVtV_Ow7I3AcL6iRqul5yoOOJo6TSnhrQF43xBx5CiZRPq7eqjn8zlgzNffYaCZyiK2BOBOfVecmC-aSBiyBK9MwZuj1pnPfnd-y/s320/CHT_DEC29_7.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEioKwVIiBO1T3OZmsk5H0-gSLSGLkSxUKY0N-VDGfLPJeW6NZ68x3445oYpVtRRXz4Z2vJJ5ptPvO9V4E9cDR-9yewZplkkLFyB_wo_vwCxe8E-32dRY4o8ttw9yIK-MxUMAkgoDbs3tSfu/s1600/CHT_DEC29_8.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEioKwVIiBO1T3OZmsk5H0-gSLSGLkSxUKY0N-VDGfLPJeW6NZ68x3445oYpVtRRXz4Z2vJJ5ptPvO9V4E9cDR-9yewZplkkLFyB_wo_vwCxe8E-32dRY4o8ttw9yIK-MxUMAkgoDbs3tSfu/s320/CHT_DEC29_8.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="post-footer"><span style="font-weight: bold;"></span> </div><br />
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</div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-84422019434290908772012-01-01T10:14:00.000-08:002012-01-01T10:14:19.427-08:00Not everyone with a cause is Gandhi<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From Thehelka<br />
<div class="style5">Anna Hazare shone as the rising star in a corrupt country, but his sheen has dulled, and his crusade has made him The Biggest Loser Of 2011 </div><div class="style5"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi74eyWXleY3DGY45DtU3g5VrQhDhmMP0pAEBFXOTLI1-umYxJLRszkaLkNpaQn4rWFCUMH-Hu-_AK3d7K8kMoZvRB7lyaeN4TjRseQ8Ys8rGnOtfwq5c7i_nY5bnVeMF0ElAFwS343efbK/s1600/cause.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi74eyWXleY3DGY45DtU3g5VrQhDhmMP0pAEBFXOTLI1-umYxJLRszkaLkNpaQn4rWFCUMH-Hu-_AK3d7K8kMoZvRB7lyaeN4TjRseQ8Ys8rGnOtfwq5c7i_nY5bnVeMF0ElAFwS343efbK/s320/cause.jpg" width="228" /></a></div><div class="normantext"><strong>I WAS AT</strong> my dapper debonair best, though behind that deceptive façade, I was nervous. A multinational bank honcho poured a penetrative look into my <em>curriculum vitae</em>. I expected a hard-hitting interview, for which I had adequately rehearsed with standard prescriptions to intractable global financial woes. “If you have a choice for dinner with anyone, dead or alive, who would it be?” asked a grumpy baritone. This one I was least prepared for. And yet the answer came instantaneously, Mahatma Gandhi. An extraordinary man whose moral authority could temper religious conflagrations, restore sanity amidst madness even as he inspired a non-violent civil disobedience movement against the British Empire. Gandhi was my poster-boy.</div><div class="normantext">I would later claim to witness the celluloid version of the Father of the Nation at my alma-mater, Fergusson College, Pune, shooting for Sir Richard Attenborough’s Oscar-winning film <em>Gandhi</em>. There would never be another Gandhi, I had always thought. But then at Jantar Mantar in April this year somebody said another was born. Incredulous! I stretched to see this alchemist. It was a man from Ralegan Siddhi, who goes by the name Anna Hazare, and was spearheading an agitation for an anti-corruption legislation. I could not smell jasmine, but Hazare’s bold call was music to my ears. That was alas, it seems now, almost too many moons ago.</div><div class="normantext">Corruption is a universal factor. Easy to make it an issue; keep hammering it, make it into an anti-establishment outburst because it is easy to generate popular goodwill. Team Anna thus launched a well-orchestrated assault, perfectly timed, and scripted with an appropriate sound byte impact and unrelenting intensity. But tragically, what started as a social crusader’s battle for cleansing corruption soon assumed a diabolical political form. I wondered how our modern Gandhi fell into this game? Or was it a premeditated ploy?</div><div class="normantext">It was the Ramlila that took the cake and the chocolate factory. Ramlila’s ridiculous demands have probably remained the least discussed aspect, when in fact it was an outstanding PR trick on an unsuspecting nation. The demand to pass the Jan Lokpal Bill (Team Anna’s version) within 10 days sans any deliberations, debate was outlandish and ludicrous. Lokpal Bill is a complex legislation of great importance with serious ramifications on our democratic structures and institutions. Yet, it formed the fulcrum for Team Anna’s future experiments. No sensible government could grant the Bill with a bullet-on-your-temple blackmail, worse an outrageous expectation. Every statement uttered at Ramlila was seismic cloaked in self-righteousness. But by December the veneer had cracked; at MMRDA recently. Even as parliament debated the Lokpal Bill, the crowd had become size zero.</div><div class="normantext"><br />
</div><div class="normantext"><strong>UNDER NORMAL</strong> circumstances a forthright of constructive debate based on a common agenda for the nation would result in reconciliation, not progressive deterioration. The Lokpal debate got subsumed by complex spins and yarns resulting in public disillusionment, food for thought for those who believe in instant stardom based on an exaggerated notion of self-importance. The bjp, masters of gridlock, would use every tactic in the book to gerrymander and charm the rising middle class using Team Anna as their unofficial brand ambassador. Political opportunism was amplified in practically every move be it in the Hisar bypoll or repeated references to occupants of 10, Janpath. The Anti-corruption protest had turned into an anti-Congress campaign. By now, I was not the only one wearing a confounded expression. Hazare became strident, impertinent and often, nasty.</div><div class="normantext">Eventually, Team Anna got tangled in their own verbal inconsistencies. The travel expense vouchers scam, discounted farmland acquisition from the UP government, delayed financial settlement with government employers, and controversial remarks on Kashmir. Confusion reigned. Sounds can bite, you see. Issues usually get camouflaged amidst obstreperous outbursts; FDI in retail being a classic case of a self-goal. Hazare snubbed Wal-Mart too. India is in love with noise and worse everyone is in love with their own voice. India is not listening to each other. And that is where the problems really begin. The downfall of the Anna movement was inevitable. When Hazare made a second appearance at Ramlila, Mahatma Gandhi had made a noticeable disappearing act replaced by political billboards. What one saw was a hip-hop, pop-culture mixed with political nonsense. The movement had become just a moment.</div><div class="normantext">Corruption is an emotive issue, it has greatly demoralised Indians, but Team Anna’s efforts to turn it into a narrow-minded political movement using the middle-class as its forerunner (ironically the biggest beneficiaries of liberalisation) defied common sense. They remained stuck on a core ‘constituency’. Comparisons with Tahrir Square were made, but Team Anna forgot that India is aspiring towards political sophistication; it has overcome its teething troubles. Coalition politics, for all its negative connotations, is Indian democracy at its best.</div><div class="normantext">Despite the resolute gloominess that passes through for considerable periods, India ends the year with hope of a turnaround, the much needed positive bustling optimism. We maybe a noisy democracy, but tranquility would finally emerge from within. 2012 is the year, the Mayan’s declared as the end of the world. But for India I suspect it is the beginning of a more aware, vibrant and involved nation. Falter and fail we still might, but our imperfections should never weaken our resolve. And as the experience of the Arab Spring showed, after the initial brawl and energetic clapping, shouting and dancing, what often follows is stunned disbelief at the emptiness. Team Anna rode a gigantic wave, followed by a humiliating crash.</div><div class="normantext">By the end of the year, it was not just public disenchantment that robbed the transitory Gandhi of his façade, but sensing his own human vulnerabilities or pure inability to live up to demanding high standards. Hazare had drifted away from that cherished anti-corruption goal. In a sense, that defined the year’s most calamitous downfall. To earn the tag of Gandhi, by itself is an achievement deemed improbable, and to lose that within a course of a mere eight months, for Hazare that was an extraordinary failure. Several would anoint him with accolades for bringing corruption to the centrestage. Ironically, Anna Hazare is 2011’s biggest loser.</div><div class="normantext">As we enter a new year, maybe that’s the biggest lesson for us all; fifteen minutes of fame maybe good for an individual, but not necessarily for a country. And yes, in a year of Bollywood sequels and remakes, Gandhi remained unique.</div><div class="normantext"><em>Sanjay Jha Executive Director Dale Carnegie Based in Mumbai. </em></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-88011981636745907932012-01-01T09:43:00.000-08:002012-01-01T09:43:47.477-08:00The duplicity of a saffron brigade<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From Thehelka<br />
<div class="style5"><strong>Ram Puniyani</strong> argues that the BJP’s gameplan to be the perfect opposition party has dampened its political stand and portrayed the party as a confused political entity </div><div class="style5"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeVr93Gq1rlM-N9lVKP3EIGnc1pdbeFWGrfwKfepBITYXvOJO4UXXJeLv5HGB_u5LQf6lFfV9rUQidJjOAunv5qmceorhq2ocx4p5NnQk9_sb6-MqCPuiCgiKtsUTj0QbFjhZyuCRhRKdI/s1600/saffron.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" rea="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeVr93Gq1rlM-N9lVKP3EIGnc1pdbeFWGrfwKfepBITYXvOJO4UXXJeLv5HGB_u5LQf6lFfV9rUQidJjOAunv5qmceorhq2ocx4p5NnQk9_sb6-MqCPuiCgiKtsUTj0QbFjhZyuCRhRKdI/s1600/saffron.jpg" /></a></div><div class="normantext"><strong>THIS YEAR</strong> was very eventful as far as the political arena is concerned. Anna Hazare’s movement, the government trying to bring in FDI in retail, a Bill for rationalisation of fuel price and the deletion of Ramanujam’s essay in the University text were few of these. In many of the Bills related to FDI and the rest, which were brought up for discussion in parliament, BJP chose to oppose bills that UPA wanted to pass. It is intriguing, why a party (BJP), which stood for the FDI during its days in power, opposed it now? Logically such policies should have gladdened the hearts of BJP as it was an unfulfilled dream of the nda. The shrewdest move on BJP’s part was its fullhearted support to the Anna Hazare movement and tread cautiously in the parliament. It is taking full advantage of Anna’s anti-Congress stance while engaging with the Bill in the parliament. This forkedtongue attitude of BJP is part of its character. BJP works toward building its electorate, either with the RSS or on its behalf. It has to come to power by all means, fair or foul, to pave the way for an RSS agenda of Hindu nation. Its core agenda is totally opposed to the concept of democratic norms prevalent in the country today. Inherently, the BJP had been totally opposed to the state intervention in the economic matters, despite the fact that the public sector was the basic essentiality for India, as private capital was not substantial in quantum at that time to lay the foundation of economic growth. The BJP and its predecessor the Bhartiya Jan Sangh had been sounding clear opposition of state’ role in these matters. Now since UPA is also following many policies, which BJP wanted to implement, irks BJP around and changes its stance. It does smack of opportunism and it seems that what dictates its public stand most of the times are the electoral contingencies of the time. If it supports the government on these issues it would be sound to toe the government line and would lose the electoral advantage in the coming elections. Apart from the turnaround in the economic policies, its shrewd managers have taken a very ambivalent stand on Anna’s draft after a façade of totally upholding Anna as the person, his movement and his idea of the Bill as the desirable one. As such BJP has a long tradition in these matters of opportunism. It exploded the bomb in 1998, and tilted the foreign policy supporting the US. But when in opposition it again turned around and took contrary positions.</div><div class="normantext"><strong>IF WE</strong> go back, we see the same ‘clever’ stance in the matters of the Mandal commission implementation. It did not have the courage to speak against the Mandal commission, to which it was deeply opposed, as that would have alienated it from a large section of voters. So to skirt around the issue, it went in for the Rath Yatra, bypassed the Mandal issue and tried to give confusing signals to the electorate. As a culmination of the Rath Yatra, <em>Ram Janmabhoomi</em> movement, it went on to undertake the criminal act of the Babri Masjid demolition. The BJP asserted that Babri Masjid is a blot on the Hindu India. Let’s note that while taking the oath, it swears by the Indian constitution, a secular India, while operating on a political chess board; it keeps Hindu India as the reference point. This demolition brought it to the seat of power in the centre. After grabbing power, being in the government it did not build the temple for which it had demolished the <em>masjid</em> and had unleashed the violence that followed. When in opposition it promises to build the temple, when in power it finds excuses and wriggles out of the commitment on which it came to power. So what is the real BJP? Is it for the principles of a particular type or is it a party of Hindu Rashtra, using the democratic space merely to enhance its electoral power? The dilemma of BJP is that it is a political party operating in the electoral arena, in the democratic space, but at the same time to work for abolition of democratic space when in power. So far, it could not come to power without its non-Hindutva allies. So it has used the opportunity of being in power to communalise the education and state apparatus, to give more opportunities for the RSS progeny (VHP, Bajrang Dal, ABVP, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram to infiltrate into the state apparatus). The duplicity of BJP has a deeper agenda. It is not just a party of the right wing. It is a party of ‘religious right wing’. The right wing parties aim at the status quo in the society. The religious right wing parties not only aim to maintain status quo but go further and try to reverse the process of social change which has taken place due to the liberal space. The right wing parties may be principled, however wrong those principles may be, while the religious right wing groups are totally bereft of any qualms about principles as they are out to use the democratic space for the bringing in of the fundamentalist regime over a period of time.</div><div class="normantext"><em>Ram Puniyani is a communal harmony activist based in Mumbai.</em></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-17850739948840713942011-12-23T13:07:00.000-08:002011-12-23T13:07:11.839-08:00Saffron bodies to focus on service activities<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">From Ibn Live<br />
HYDERABAD: The Vishwa Hindu Parishad will lay more emphasis on service activities across the country, its new international president G Raghava Reddy has announced.<br />
<div class="txt" id="font_text">Addressing his maiden press conference here on Wednesday after his elevation, Reddy said the Parishad was running 33,000 schools in the country and the number would be increased to 50,000 in three years. Full-time workers will be appointed to implement the new action plan and to create awareness on Hindutva and inculcate patriotism in� people.</div><div class="txt" id="font_text">Raghava Reddy, who assumed the new responsibility, said permanent buildings would be provided for VHP offices in all blocks in the country by 2014.</div><div class="txt" id="font_text">Replying to a question, he said his organisation had not decided yet on supporting the BJP in the 2014 general election. "We have not yet taken any decision on whom the VHP should support in the coming elections. We will take a stand after discussing the issue in the organisation." </div><div class="txt" id="font_text">Responding to the ban on the Bhagavagadgita in a Russian region, he said the VHP would react only after the Russian court delivered its verdict on December 28. He said Russians decided to ban the Gita because they did not understand it. The VHP would convey Hindus' feelings to the Russian government through the Indian government, he said, adding that Indians were a very small community in Russia but they had conveyed their feelings to the Russian government. VHP vice-president Ashok Chawla was handling the issue, he said. �</div><div class="txt" id="font_text">Reddy praised civil society leader Anna Hazare for the movement he launched against corruption and said the entire Indian youth was supporting him. The VHP was also supporting Hazare movement, he said. </div><div class="txt" id="font_text">On demands for smaller states, the VHP leader said it belonged to the political domain but the VHP would� work to unite all the Hindus who were living in the entire world. "We don't have any objection if the government decides to divide the country into 100 states. In all the states, the VHP will be working to implement its agenda.''</div><div class="txt" id="font_text">Raghava Reddy said many problems of India would be solved if the Centre curbed ISI activities, terrorism and religious� conversations. He took strong objection to political leaders describing Hindutva as one form of saffron terrorism and� demanded that they tender an unconditionally apology.</div><div class="txt" id="font_text">The VHP leader accused the state government of failing totally to prevent cow slaughter in Hyderabad and other parts of the state.</div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5406887528121414105.post-28332814979529723052011-12-23T13:04:00.000-08:002011-12-23T13:04:05.333-08:00Swearing in the name of God<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="post-header-line-1"></div><div class="post-body entry-content">From: <a href="http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-12-13/india/30511385_1_allah-oath-governor"><span style="color: #660000;">The Times of India</span></a><br />
<br />
<span style="font-weight: bold;">SC: Oath in Allah's name not against Constitution</span><br />
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TNN Dec 13, 2011, 04.51AM IST<br />
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NEW DELHI: Article 159 of the Constitution may mandate a governor to take oath of office by "swearing in the name of God" or "solemnly affirm" but the Supreme Court on Monday ruled that Jharkhand governor Syed Ahmad did not breach the constitutional provision by taking oath in the name of "Allah".<br />
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In fact, a bench of Justices G S Singhvi and S J Mukhopadhaya was critical of a student, Kamal Nayan Prabhakar, for attempting to link Ahmad's taking oath in the name of "Allah" to the constitution of Pakistan. </div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0